
Fin de Siecle India could have done without this image: 155 Indians trapped inside an aircraft of stagnant horror. They have a nationality, but it is in conflict with somebody’s idea of liberation. At this moment of sorrow and resolution, India may see in that image from Kandahar the fragility of well-being. The madness of a few masked men, driven by the Book, can still hold a nation to ransom. Still, this image doesn’t mark the closing ceremony of the defining decade of the 90s.
For, the masked man as liberator, as author of happiness, is a visitor from another era, an era in which the lyrics of resistance were written on stones and bombs, on prisons and labour camps. In the world before 1990, freedom, at least for a major section of humanity, was an idea expressed through confined sighs. There was always someone, the chosen one, there to define the limits of freedom, the choice of the ruled. This decade was born in the detritus of the totalitarian temptations. This decade saw on its first day the people,as different from the masses, emerging out of the broken doors of the Big Lie. And this decade, in many acts of historical wisdom, has repudiated the remains of hate. The masked man you saw on your front pages Wednesday is a refuge from that ransacked republic of hate.
Certainly he is not the abiding image of this decade. Look back and you see how the politics of hate, the philosophy of revenge, was struck out of the national text by men who had realised the inevitability of co-existence. When in the heart of Europe ethnicity rewrote the concept of national identity, it was a moment of reckoning for an entire continent’s civilisational smugness. Barbed wire and graveyards became the signposts of national self-determination. But Bosnia and Kosovo, despite the bombs and body count, came out of the ethnic war without the banner of `Hell is the other’ Bosnia, Middle East, Ireland, Chechnya… no, it was not the end of history. But it was not the end of the world either, for war-fatigued men, at the end of itall, realised the redundancy of adversity, sought out the uses of reason. The nation survived the rage of the nationalist.
The nation survived the scripturally manufactured God also. The problem is always with the votary, not with nationalism or religion. And India is destined to triumph the rage of the masked man.
After all, the statement of the 90s India was about the resilience of the national spirit. And it was more than that subterranean statement from Pokharan. Uranian may not have enriched Indian nationalism. The Indian, permanently let down by the politician, put his faith in the realism of his nation, which he believed could not be undone by the worst of the politician. He saw the party of national liberation falling apart in the absence of fresh oxygen. The vital centre of Indian polity today belongs to no singular redeemer: the triumphant nationalist party has become a facilitator of cohabitation. To be fair, the party is not exclusively subordinated to the Hindu adjective. In a confidentnation of diffident politicians, the idea of nationhood is the eternal survivor. No masked man can change the script.




