Two months since Pokharan-II India and the United States are finally "engaging". This deserves to be welcomed without qualification. India was justified in its indignation at phony American self-righteousness on the nuclear issue, but American pique is subsiding and giving way to a more pragmatic and forward-looking approach. It behoves New Delhi to respond, though without losing sight of what its national interests demand. Indeed that seems to be the case. While stressing its desire for putting bilateral relations back on track India has said it will not compromise on deployment nor sign the CTBT unconditionally. Judging by reports of US Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott’s meeting with Jaswant Singh, there is recognition on both sides that it is going to be a long haul from here. This is just as well. It is when expectations are built up out of proportion that disappointment is most acute.
It is not hard to see why the two countries will have great difficulty reconciling their position. The USadministration needs to show at home and to the world that nuclear adventurism is not rewarded, and yet it is most anxious to draw India firmly into the non-proliferation fold — for which it must accommodate India even if only tacitly. For India accession to the non-proliferation regime can only come with the nuclear powers’ acknowledgment of its position in various ways. Each side needs to show "progress" in pushing its agenda vis-a-vis the other. It is simply too premature at the moment to speculate about how the discussions will pan out. It cannot even be said whether it will be this government or another that would see these talks through to their conclusion. The CTBT ratification deadline apart, the US may itself not be in too much of a hurry for the talks to conclude so long as the dialogue is kept up. It would find it easier to deal with another government in New Delhi. It could also justify substantial softening on either side: the US could more easily accommodate an Indian government which was notresponsible for the tests. However, even if that scenario should come to pass, it is absolutely crucial for any Indian government to stay the course. The BJP has been using the right mix of flexibility and firmness in dealing with America where preceding governments have shown a tendency to buckle under pressure.
Meanwhile, from India’s point of view, two declarations of importance were forthcoming from the American side. Talbott reportedly told Inder Kumar Gujral — whose locus standi in these discussions is suspect and an indication of America’s desire to keep channels open to non-BJP individuals and parties — that the joint Sino-US statement on South Asia was misunderstood. He said America did not wish to hurt Indian interests. Of course it remains unclear just what the declaration was intended for if not to put India on notice about US-Chinese collaboration in South Asia. But an American reassurance is not without value. No doubt India’s own conduct will influence matters. Talbott is also said to haveindicated that he may tell the Pakistani authorities that cross-border terrorism was no solution to the Kashmir problem. At this stage, this is reasonable progress.