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This is an archive article published on December 3, 1999

Exuberant over Kalyan’s exit

With the unceremonious exit of Kalyan Singh, the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh feel relieved. The Kalyan Singh regime prided itself on issues ...

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With the unceremonious exit of Kalyan Singh, the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh feel relieved. The Kalyan Singh regime prided itself on issues which Muslims considered an affront to their self-respect. Singh has the unique distinction of being the chief minister who, despite the Supreme Court verdict on the Ayodhya case, oversaw the demolition of the Babri Masjid, ordered “darshan” at the illegal makeshift Ram Mandir at Ayodhya and terrorised the Muslims by making their religious leaders and institutions the target of his hate campaigns.

On the Muslim issue there was a distinct pattern in his style. No Muslim administrative or police officer was posted in any influential positions. Police officers with proven anti-Muslim bias were posted in Muslim dominated districts like Shaharanpur, and not surprisingly, they generated a false hysteria about illegal Bangladeshi, ISI and other bands of terrorists. Through his careful bureaucratic manoeuvring, a concerted effort was made to malign premier Islamic centres oflearning like the Deoband seminary.Also, the controversies over the forceful singing of Vande Mataram and the compulsory learning of Sanaskrit were used by the state administration to emphasise its one basic principle of rule: might is right. At the height of the Vande Mataram controversy, when its forceful recitation as a marker of one’s patriotism was being objected to, a private television channel’s report on the issue was revealing. It was startling to see Muslim children in govern- ment-run schools of Uttar Pradesh being forced to recite “Vande Mataram” in response to their daily roll call. They, the report said, were just “following the instructions of the administration”. Terrorised teachers refused to comment.

Yet, ironically, Lucknow was plastered with Kalyan Singh’s favourite slogan, Kanoon a raj hoga. Bhai mukt samaaj hoga (the law of the land and a fearless society shall prevail.) Muslims in the state walked past these posters wondering whose law prevailed in their land and howfearless they could be. When the BJP-led coalition returned to power at the Centre, the Muslims were left even more confused. Lucknow, Prime Minister Vajpayee’s constituency, became the centre of contradictions. Whereas Vajpayee, during his frequent visits to the city, would give positive signals to the beleaguered community and promise an end to their saga of miseries, Kalyan Singh would repudiate Vajpayee’s promises even before the Prime Minister reached Delhi.

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This was most clearly evident during the Prime Minister’s visit to the ailing Ali Mian – the reputed Islamic scholar of Nadwa-al-Ulema seminary in Lucknow. Vajpayee’s assurances to the maulana of maintaining a society where nobody would feel discriminated and insecure were totally ignored by the state government. What followed soon after were unprovoked attacks on the maulana’s seminary and the burning of his effigy by the ABVP activists. That too for an allegedly “anti-national” remark of the maulana, which he denies having ever made. Again,Vajpayee’s sanction for the establishment of an Institute of Integrated Technology in Lucknow for promoting technical education among the minorities was never implemented by the state administration. As far as the UP Muslims were concerned, the message was clear: the writ of Kalyan Singh prevails. Thus it comes as no surprise to them that having been pushed out of Lucknow he has landed straight into the lap of “Ram lalla”. “He has no other abode in the still syncretic cultural ethos of the region where he will never find any support,” quipped a visibly pleased Muslim state official.

But the more significant point is that Singh’s exclusive abode at Ayodhya has few takers even within the BJP. That is perhaps the only heartening aspect of an otherwise dismal political scenario. One hopes that his successor and the party learn the basic political lesson that realpolitik is perfected by rising at least a little above caste and community prejudices.

The writer is associate professor of history at JamiaMillia, New Delhi

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