Witnessing an election in America is different from seeing the parliamentary elections in India. The difference lies in the levels of connectivity that make the analysis and media presentation of voters’ opinion in all states look so easy. Pramod Mahajan may have lost the BJP the popular vote in India with his laptop image, but there is little doubt that a competently run IT command centre helped the Republican cause enormously. Computers don’t win elections, it is true, but no human being can make sense of the mass of data on public opinion that is gathered before an election and convert it into a campaign plan. The emphasis on winning each community separately was identical in both the Indian and American elections.
Values must surely be an important issue in any election, but rarely has it been so stated, and never before has an electorate so precisely articulated it as the foremost priority. As the Republican party spokesman stated, their post-poll analysis of their support showed that 21 per cent voted Republican because of values, 20 per cent because their stand on terrorism and 19 per cent chose the Republicans for their economic policies. But what are these values? Any attempt to define them and raise the level of debate to a step above prejudiced wrangling, runs into trouble. At the lowest level, campaign managers suggested that in the crucial state of Ohio voters were uncomfortable with the visuals of John Kerry windsurfing. Does that make any sense in India where Nehru’s Cambridge education was no barrier to the affection he generated in the countryside? Or, to the fact that Sonia Gandhi, born in Italy, has now become the Congress’s most effective campaigner? Clearly there is a much greater affinity between the rural Indian voter and the community perceived to be the Indian elite.
Analysts have narrowed the components of the ‘‘values’’ theory to the stand on terrorism, the right to abortion, gun control laws and gay marriages. Opinion polls on each of these issues have produced finely-tuned answers. For instance, many who voted Republican also opposed unlicenced weapons, but favoured Bush on the other issues. Kerry was voted for by a majority of women, the minorities and, surprisingly, the Jews. But in each of these categories, Bush increased his share of the vote .
What does the voting pattern now indicate in hindsight? The Democrats missed the point that in 2004 the war on terrorism outweighed economic issues. To go further, Kerry’s advisers failed to convince the electorate that the war in Iraq was different from the war on terror. The increase in voter turnout eventually helped Bush. Certainly in the crucial state of Ohio, the rush of voters who don’t normally vote did so to express their displeasure, most of all, to gay marriages.
So the outlines of the constituent parts of the values factor are now clear. Each issue was not critical, but together they created in the Republican voter the impression that the US would be better led out of its troubles by holding on to the values of an earlier era. The value conundrum is interesting for India. If there is any party touting values it is the BJP; yet the popular vote at the last Indian election showed the peoples’ rejection of the BJP’s values and, in that sense, it was a vote for the opposite values. Of course India is not the US. But values obviously matter. So Advani would do well to re-strategise, accepting the fact that the BJP lost the war of the values in 2004. Harking back to the same values would be to invite defeat.
Unmentioned in any US media was any comparison to the presidential elections that brought Nixon to power in the middle of the disastrous Vietnam war. The US of today is not nearly as bitterly divided as the US of those days when unwilling conscripts returning wounded from that war were spat on by young anti-war liberals. Is there an unspoken aversion from a silent majority to repeating the tragedy caused by this revolt to the other war?
To an Indian observer of political theory the distressing aspect of the conservative victory is the threat to take western liberalism backwards. In the background somewhere sits the US Supreme Court, silent so far and, of course, the American people who surely can be trusted.