Of the numerous letters I have received in response to the previous four columns on the need to transform BJP-Muslim relations, the most touching and thought-provoking is one that deserves to be reproduced here: I read carefully your articles pertaining to the RSS-Muslim dialogue. In the period after the Babri demolition, and up to 2002, I was a strong advocate of RSS-Muslim dialogue. It reached such a stage that many Muslim friends suspected that I was lured towards power. RSS members would visit my house. Jaswant Singh wrote a nice letter. The high point in the relation came when the saffron friends insisted that I speak on Savarkar’s birthday in February 2002. I consented, only on grounds that it may improve Muslim-RSS relations. At the meeting they treated me very well, hearing me out. Many Muslims also attended, out of concern that I may say the wrong things at that meeting. My last words were, ‘The country has two choices, either Gandhi or Savarkar. The path of Gandhi will lead to every Indian child identifying emotionally with the country. The path of Savarkar, may leave a sizable section excluded, and may cause serious damage to the country’s unity.’ The time was 8 p.m. Twelve hours later, Godhra took place. And my house was the first one attacked in Baroda, on February 28 morning, and again on March 1, completely destroying a home, where my wife had died just a short time ago. My daughter (who was to marry a Hindu gentleman) and I just barely escaped from certain death. What conclusion would you draw, if you were in my place, Mr Kulkarni? Regards,J.S. BandukwalaAll conflicts begin first in the arena of mind and heart, before bodies come into the play. Likewise, all reconciliation too must begin first in the arena of mind and heart. Emotional integration alone is the true and enduring basis for national integration, as well as for transforming BJP-Muslim ties. Hence the first point in the “common minimum programme” for the pursuit of the agenda of reaching out to the Muslim community must be: “We must, in the collective heart and mind of our party, accept Muslims as our own, and not as aliens.” The emotional acceptance of Muslims as our own must not get diluted even if some marginal sections of the Muslim community conduct themselves in a manner that is detrimental to national integration. With this acceptance comes a paramount responsibility — to work sincerely towards the goal of a riot-free India. Communal riots are a shameful stigma on our nation and its great cultural-spiritual heritage in which bigotry and bloodshed have no sanction. The Sangh Parivar must, therefore, firmly rein in extremist elements within its own ranks. The promise of a “riot-free India”, which used to figure prominently in the speeches of the many enlightened leaders of the BJP, must be re-enshrined as one of the core points of its political agenda. In pursuit of this promise, its leaders and workers must be prepared to die in order to save innocent Muslims. For only deeds lend credence to words. In addition to guaranteeing safety and security to our Muslim brethren, the BJP should also learn to respect and cherish their somewhat unique cultural-religious identity. This identity is an integral part of India’s national identity. Its uniqueness does not make it un-Indian, as many in the Sangh Parivar mistakenly believe. Muslims fear that the BJP’s ideology seeks their “assimilation” into the Hindu way of life. This fear should be dispelled. Undoubtedly, and as many enlightened Muslim leaders themselves acknowledge, the Muslim mindset also needs to strongly counter those elements within itself which seek to subvert the community’s Indian identity. Above all, what Muslims expect from the BJP is respect for Islam. Going beyond occasional participation in iftaar parties, BJP leaders should actively, frequently and sincerely interact with the “mosque”, which decisively influences the collective life of Muslims. There are numerous good Islamic establishments across the country with which the BJP can have a constructive dialogue aimed at removing mutual misgivings and at expanding the common ground of understanding. In BJP-ruled states, its governments should support the religious, social and educational activities of these establishments, in the same way that they patronise the activities of many Hindu religious institutions. If it was okay for the Vajpayee government to have supported the commendable social-educational projects of the Shankaracharya of Kanchi or ISKCON’s mid-day meal scheme, why not extend similar support to the welfare activities of Islamic institutions? Next in the CMP is the need for the BJP to recognise that the all-round and accelerated development of the poor among Muslims should become a national priority. If some specific non-communal measures are required to achieve the larger national goal, the BJP should recognise that these do not constitute “appeasement”. Therefore, the party’s response to the Sachar Committee Report, which no doubt had many questionable aspects, ought to have been more constructive and less polemical. Lastly, the real test of the BJP’s desire to reach out to Muslims — and it is a test in which it has almost always failed — is whether it gives adequate representation to Muslims in the selection of candidates in elections at all levels, from panchayat to Parliament. Political empowerment of Muslims, within the national framework, is their legitimate aspiration. It is also required to enrich India’s democracy. Let the BJP declare that it is willing to do everything in the next Lok Sabha elections to get at least ten eminent Muslims, who are respected by the community, elected to Parliament from its own strong and winnable constituencies. The totality of these measures will endear Muslims to the BJP and break the Muslim vote-bank, which so far is one of the guarantors of the electoral success of the Congress party.
