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This is an archive article published on June 4, 2015

Family says won’t repeat mistakes, not all convinced

While former Judum leader Sukhdev Tati admits some vested interests entered the Judum campaign, he denies an “industry hand”.

Salma Judum, Chhattisgarh Maoists, narendra modi, Chhavindra Karma, Dantewada maoists attack,  Mahendra Karma, Maoists Chhattisgarh, Maoists violence, Chhattisgarh government, Dantewada attack, maoist Dantewada attack, Maoists Bastar attack, Bastar Maoists attack, Maoists Salwa Judum, india news, nation news Vetti Meena with her newborn in a camp in Dornapal — wife of an SPO, she grieves that they can never leave. (Source: Express photo by Ashutosh Bhardwaj)

Chhavindra Karma asserts that “bullets are not the solution”, and that they will avoid bloodshed as far as necessary, focusing only on development. His brother Deepak Karma says “the present Samiti must learn from earlier mistakes”.

Chhattisgarh: Salwa Judum redux

Not all Judum leaders buy the claim. So far only leaders from Dantewada and a few from Sukma have come forward. Not leaders like Madhukar Rao and Vikram Mandavi from Bijapur, where Judum was born.

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The focus is on Dantewada, which has fewer Maoists than Sukma and Bijapur but has the richest iron ores.

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“It’s all about mines. Some big industrial houses have got leases but are unable to begin work. Earlier Karmaji did it, now his son. We all know what happened during Salwa Judum. If it goes on, it will be a fansi ka fanda,” says All India Adivasi Mahasabha president Manish Kunjam, who recently held a padyatra against the government move to bring heavy industry in Bastar.

NMDC has been in Dantewada for nearly 50 years, and earns around Rs 3,300 crore profit a year from the Dantewada ores.

The Karma family itself has commercial interests. Karma famously facilitated the land transfer to Essar in Dantewada, while Deepak is planning the same for some “friendly industrialists of the Congress”. “We are not against industry. But we want it on our terms so that it benefit tribals,” he says. “It’s a battle for the minerals of Bastar. Few are interested in the welfare of tribals, they all want to acquire this land and mine the minerals. Narendra Modi came here not for the tribals, but to secure maximum mining.”

While former Judum leader Sukhdev Tati admits some vested interests entered the Judum campaign, he denies an “industry hand”, pointing out that most Judum leaders live in fear, with limited means. “Which industry? What benefit? We fought only to secure our land, and gained nothing out of it, except death.”

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Chaitram Attami calls the new campaign “aar paar ki ladai”. “We have been facing this battle for long and cannot take it anymore.” While “gola barood cannot end this war”, he adds, “innocents are killed even today. We have to face it.”

Outside his home are police vehicles and armed guards. The TV in the courtyard is tuned to a channel showing a programme on dolphins and sharks. Attami sits below large framed photographs of the first two RSS chiefs, Keshav Baliram Hedgewar and Madhaorao Sadashivrao Golwalkar.

However, as always, it is Mahendra Karma who towers over all else here. The day chosen for release of the detailed strategy of Vikas Sangharsh Samiti was May 25 — his second death anniversary. On the same day in 1967, 11 persons had been killed after police fired at villagers demanding land for the tiller. That village was Naxalbari.

‘It’s all about mines. Some big industrial houses have got leases but are unable to begin work. Earlier Karmaji did it, now his son’
Manish Kunjam
President, All India Adivasi Mahasabha

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