‘Strong worry over how institutions have been compromised’: Prithviraj Chavan

It is a fact that the state Congress is not a cohesive unit. In the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance, we were treated as a junior partner. Congress Legislature Party Leader Balasaheb Thorat is not the kind to throw his weight around. Moreover, I believe that had Nana Patole continued to remain the Speaker in the state Assembly, a curriculum position would have been with us and we would have been in a place to show our heft. Patole took the decision to quit as the Speaker without consultation from the state leaders. All of us were upset. I still feel that had he not resigned, this whole drama (of the government falling) would not have happened.

The defeat of Chandrakant Handore in the Legislative Council elections has further widened the schisms within the state unit. How do you view the episode and the impact that it has had on the party?

The defeat of Chandrakant Handore, who was our first-preference candidate, was very shocking. I was very upset with the result, which sent out a message that the Congress got a Maratha elected over a Dalit candidate. I personally told H K Patil, the AICC secretary incharge of Maharashtra, that what transpired could have serious ramifications and that there needs to be an inquiry. Similarly, I also told Mohan Prakash who was sent as an observer that the episode had sent a wrong message to the Dalit community, which has traditionally backed the Congress. He has submitted a report to the High Command. We are now waiting to see what happens. Days after the development, we had the episode of 11 of our MLAs getting “deleted” during the vote of confidence. I asked them as to what had happened and they said that they were deleted due to traffic. What can be said about such things. It does not bode well for the party.

There are murmurs of senior state Congress leaders quitting the party. Is there dissatisfaction in the way things are being handled in the state unit?

People whose names are being taken in this regard have denied that they are planning to quit. There, however, is a genuine concern both in the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) of people quitting. The Enforcement Directorate (ED) threat also has a role to play here. Incidentally, in 2014, there was a casual offer made to me of the Congress, the NCP, and the Shiv Sena coming together to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and stopping it from coming to power. At that time, I had rejected the proposal stating that going with the Sena was simply out of the question. As to why we decided to come together in 2019, it was largely because what Devendra Fadnavis did to the Congress and the NCP in the run up to the 2019 elections. The poaching of 50-60 senior leaders who were stalwarts in their own right by the BJP had caused a lot of concern. We too were in power for a long time, we could have also done what the BJP did but we never did such a thing. There was a concern that if we did not come together, the (rest of the) parties would be finished in the event of the BJP getting another term.

How did you deal with the obvious ideologically assertive statements or action of Shiv Sena when you were part of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)?

The logic of forming the government was to stop the BJP. We did have internal contradictions. Like the Shiv Sena, during Bal Thackeray’s time, was sharply against South Indians. But we realised that if we didn’t join hands, then we won’t have a Congress party in Maharashtra. While going together, our understanding was a ‘common minimum programme’. There was a tussle over some words like secularism that were worked around. I had also suggested setting up a ‘coordination committee’ at the cabinet level and outside where two people from each party evaluate the alliance and paper over the differences. But these never got formed.

Why did you not take up the offer of being the speaker?

I was offered the post. However, I felt that a speaker’s post is like a retirement kind of a position; I wanted to be in active politics— holding press conferences and speaking my own mind. Finally, we decided on Nana Patole. Later, there were some reports that the NCP would object to my name. But I had, anyway, decided not to do it.

Recently, your former colleague Kapil Sibal said that there is no hope with the Supreme Court. Are you pinning your hopes on the SC judgment on August 22, on petitions filed by the two Sena factions, to formulate your strategy in the state?

We are very disappointed with some of the SC judgments over the past 7-8 years on issues like Rafale, Pegasus and Article 370. It was quite surprising as to how the SC’s vacation bench allowed the swearing-in of the Fadnavis-Shinde government. We were also surprised as to why the top court did not pass strictures on the Governor’s actions here. There is a strong worry on the national scene over the way institutions of democracy have been compromised.

How do you react to the ED investigations that have been launched against various leaders in the state and the country?

Very clearly, ED is being used to blackmail political leaders into submission; it is happening blatantly. I remember we (UPA) formulated the money laundering act. It was actually conceived by the (Atal Bihari) Vajpayee government but they could not notify it; it was P Chidambaram who notified it in 2005. The law was enacted following American concerns about terror funding. When we notified the act, only 27-28 raids took place and all of them were over Kashmir-related terror activities. Corruption and money laundering are different legislations. For corruption, you have the Prevention Of Corruption Act and the Money Laundering Act comes into play when proceeds of crime are being put somewhere. This government is saying that if there is corruption, then it is automatically money laundering! Over 5,600 cases have been lodged and over 2,700 raids conducted. However, only 7-8 cases have been settled. The pattern here is very clear. It is intended to humiliate a person: Go raid a person with TV cameras and all, seize lots of material from offices. This is done to ensure that your reputation is marred. The person then keeps on attending the ED office. It is completely used to harass political opponents without any tangible closure.

How do you see the relationship between CM Eknath Shinde and Deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis, and how do you foresee the future of this government?

There are varied interest groups in this government and all of them need to be kept happy. All of them have to be satisfied and accommodated. It is not going to be an easy task. Second thing is that CM Shinde is virtually a lame-duck Chief Minister because the two key portfolios – home and finance – are not with him. Secondly, his personal style of functioning is such that he is trying to overcompensate for the belief that the previous CM (Uddhav Thackeray) did not meet anybody. Shinde is now going out and travelling at night. He should actually be sitting in the Mantralaya and getting a grasp on the administration but he is not doing that.

What kind of future do you see for the Congress at the national level? Who will be the Congress president?

This is a million-dollar question. There is an election that has been promised. We will have an election for Congress president early September. After that, there will be an AICC session and other elections will take place. No one is questioning the Congress president’s election. The question is whether election to parliamentary board, working committee and election committee will happen or not. The last election was held 24 years back under Sitaram Kesari in Kolkata. Since then, a working committee is being nominated. Parliamentary and election committees are also nominated. The key point is that elections to other bodies must take place.

Is the Congress in a position to present itself as an alternative to the BJP?

I personally feel that the BJP can be defeated if all political parties come together. There can’t be a division of opposition votes; otherwise, the BJP will win. We, however, need the Congress to lead this front. The face of this front can’t be a non-Congress person. Congress is the only party with a pan-India footprint. There is also a need to recreate the UPA (United Progressive Alliance). We are facing a crisis situation. Without Congress leading, Opposition unity will not happen. And unless Opposition unity happens, the BJP will get a chance to come back to power.

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Are there any must-have lessons that the MVA has taught the Congress, which you would be taking forward in future coalitions?

We are clear that there should be a defined Congress president, who has contacts across parties. That person should be assisted by 3-4 people who will physically go to different states to hold meetings with local leaders, invite them to Delhi. But all this has to be done now, as this is the time to build those alliances.