‘Pseudo-Hindutva the worst thing for the country’

It’s neither manufactured nor a revolt. The writers don’t have any organisation to achieve either of the two, and the opposition in the country is too feeble to generate it. Above all, the writers of the land are living souls with thinking minds and not stooges of any political party or group; they have acted spontaneously. The Sahitya Akademi doesn’t ordinarily choose fake people for such honours; these writers have their own observances to take decisions.

He also says it is ‘ideological intolerance’.

The world knows that the expression of ‘ideological intolerance’ is synonymous with a part of the present regime and not with the writers. These are tough times that we are facing, and it’s all happening simultaneously: declaration of cultural cleansing by a minister, inconvenient ideas of a writer answered with gruesome murder, writers treated as unpatriotic, naked exhibition of chauvinism through media, dictations on food, etc. Most unfortunately, the establishment remains silent or responds belatedly under political compulsions, and the perpetrators don’t face a suitable action.

Do you think this protest by writers will result in remedial action now or in the future?

I had never expected it to take such a historic turn. Thanks to retorts of representatives of the establishment; our droplets have become a sizable water body that will not dry up soon. The unprecedented, but non-violent and highly dignified protest of the writers, has sent out a robust message that if we really wish to become the hub of economic development; ‘human development’ has also to be taken care of; otherwise foreign investment will remain a distant dream. Pseudo-Hindutva can’t replace the secular structure and texture of our democratic society. I am convinced that despite presenting a brave face, the saner part of establishment will seriously ponder over the issues forwarded during the period. This may invite certain corrective steps.

But the government is silent.

Yes, that has been a policy throughout; FTII is an example. But I believe the present protest has actually polarised the two divergent groups within the ruling elite. Now either Prime Minister Modi will have to take charge of the situation or will surrender completely before his adversaries within the fold of his alliance parties. I genuinely hope that the government will not hijack the autonomy of the Sahitya Akademi, which unfortunately succumbed to outside pressure. Such an effort will further broaden the gaps between the intelligentsia and the government.

Don’t you think the focus at this point should be on targeting the protests at the current leadership of the Sahitya Akademi rather than the institution itself?

The present leadership of the Sahitya Akademi represents a larger scene. Like the murder of Kalburgi, lynching at Dadri, handling of a concert, or a release of a book are metaphors of a bigger reality, which indicates that a sizeable group of establishment will not respond to anything creative, except their conservative fascist dreams. The Akademi didn’t take any position when its own awardee was senselessly murdered. The first protest in form of the return of an award itself was initiation of a dialogue. But the Akademi responded in a chauvinistic manner that the writer should return the money too; and how would she return the glory that the Award carries with it? To my mind it is a reciprocal process in which both the Akademi and writer bestow this glory upon each other. But frankly speaking, I don’t know how I could have targeted such a weak leadership other than the way I chose. The pattern of events prevailing in the country and the manner our Akademi acted suggest that this autonomous body, unlike its awardees, did not function as self-directed.

What does a Sahitya Akademi honour mean for a winner?

It really means a lot to me, it’s an unparalleled honour given by fellow writers through a tough and long process. Yet it’s not the end of the world. My acceptance speech at the time of receiving the award concluded like this: “This award brings a writer in spotlight; I’m grateful to the Sahitya Akademi. But I understand that the award can’t give gloss to my writing. The writer has a better chance of shining through the world of his ideas, words and images. Also, to keep calibrated with this award, I need to go back once again to the dominion of words and images; that is more meaningful.” But I must admit that separation from the award was a painful decision that was taken to fight other pains.

Do you think that, by returning their awards, writers want to malign the government?

I don’t think anyone intended that. We just wanted to draw its attention. The award certainly gives you some power, but not enough to make yourself heard on such immediate issues. We needed more power that we got by returning the award. With this voice we certainly wish to make the establishment aware of the fact that pseudo-Hindutva is the worst thing for the country, for one has to pay a heavy price for fanaticism. Who knows better than Punjabis that fundamentalism of any sort is a monster that ultimately targets its agents?

Arun Jaitley thinks the number of protesting awardees is too small.

He does not have correct data. I think there are 300-350 living awardees, excluding translation and yuva awardees. Ten per cent have returned, and remember that nobody has criticised the issues of protest. Nine Punjabi awardees returning this honour out of a living 19-20 awardees (and also one Padma Award) from the language that Jaitley speaks is an alarming level of protest. Our agenda is an invitation to the government for a positive dialogue; not necessarily with us, but certainly with the prevailing circumstances.

The writers didn’t return awards on earlier occasions, for example after the Delhi riots, then why now?

This question has not been adequately answered in the national debate. We, in Punjab, were not silent then; a lot of literature and theatre was produced at the risk of our lives. Let’s also not forget that Khushwant Singh returned the Padma Award. There is hardly a living awardee who can explain his predicaments. Moreover, the print media was under strong censorship within Punjab. How could the protest of an awardee reach the public? Let’s also not forget that we have grown during the last 30-40 years and wish to enjoy much more freedom as a nation. The two situations are incomparable.

Why only incidents like the killing of Kalburgi have become the activating point?

Because Kalburgi was a writer. It has been often said that there are no restrictions on writers/artists and the question of freedom of expression is just a hoax. But if you ask any self-respecting and self-directed writer, which are the true traits of creativity; he/she is under a lot of pressure. We wish to live freely, to write. I want to make generations aware that salvation from poverty and ignorance is very important to become a model citizen; and all of us will have to learn to tolerate others. Dissent is not to be cramped with a killing; killings attract more assassinations. The true Hindutva lies in tolerance, awakening and peaceful co-existence.