Who are the Dogras, the erstwhile rulers of Jammu and Kashmir?

Historical context

As Sikh power expanded in the early 19th century, Ranjit Singh, the founder of the Sikh state with Lahore as its capital, turned his attention to Jammu. After General Hukam Singh captured the region for the Sikhs in 1808, the forces moved their attention to Kashmir, which was taken in 1819. Following this, Ranjit Singh sought to extend Sikh influence into Ladakh.

At the time, Jammu was ruled by the Dogras. Historian A H Bingley, in his book History of the Dogras (2021), describes them as “Suryavanshi Rajputs who, millennia ago, migrated from the desert plains of Rajasthan up to the salubrious hills in and around Jammu in the western Himalayas.” Their leader, Gulab Singh, initially resisted the Sikhs but eventually chose to align with them for practical reasons. Together with his brothers, Dhyan Singh and Suchet Singh, he sought to restore the family’s fortunes by serving the Lahore government.

Thus, Gulab Singh joined the Sikh army as a trooper in 1809. His talents quickly became apparent, and by 1820, he was granted a jagir worth Rs 40,000 near Jammu. Shortly thereafter, he was given his own army, and in 1822, he became the hereditary Raja of Jammu, consolidating his authority over the surrounding hill states.

Within two decades of the Sikh conquest of Jammu, the Dogra brothers had risen to considerable prominence, largely due to Ranjit Singh’s patronage. Gulab Singh had consolidated his position in Ladakh and was confident of inheriting Kashmir after Ranjit Singh’s death. Meanwhile, the British chose to maintain the status quo, hesitant to confront the formidable Sikh forces.

The rise of the Dogras

Immediately after Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, the British East India Company began to bolster its military presence in regions adjacent to Punjab. Inevitably, conflict arose between the Khalsa (the Sikh army) and the British, leading to the Anglo-Sikh Wars. The first Anglo-Sikh War occurred from late 1845 to early 1846. This conflict led to the defeat and partial subjugation of the Sikh empire, resulting in the cession of Jammu and Kashmir as a separate princely state under British suzerainty.

In a strategic move, Gulab Singh positioned himself as a helpful intermediary to the British. With the signing of the Treaty of Lahore on March 9, 1846, he was recognised as an independent ruler by both the Lahore and British governments. Consequently, the Lahore authorities ceded territories between the Beas and Indus rivers, including Kashmir and Hazara, to the British. In return, the Company transferred Jammu and Kashmir to Gulab Singh for Rs 75 lakh. This marked the realisation of Gulab Singh’s ambition for an independent Dogra state, while the British avoided a potentially difficult conflict.

However, the Treaty of Lahore was established between the British government and Gulab Singh while the latter was still a feudatory of the Sikhs. Consequently, a new treaty, known as the Treaty of Amritsar, was signed on March 16 to formally outline their agreement. The Company did not guarantee the internal security of the state, allowing Gulab Singh significant autonomy. He and his heirs were guaranteed “all the hilly or mountainous country with its dependencies situated eastward of the River Indus and westward of the River Ravi, including Chamba and excluding Lahul”.

The Sikhs withdrew from Srinagar on October 23, 1846, and on November 1, 1846, Gulab Singh entered Kashmir as the first Dogra Maharaja of the state. This marked the beginning of one of the largest princely states in India, which remained under the rule of Gulab Singh and his descendants until 1947.

An overview of the Dogra period (1846-1947)

Scholars suggest that Kashmiris encountered considerable hardships under Dogra rule. While there were initiatives to bolster the economy and enhance infrastructure through projects like the Banihal Cart Road, Jhelum Valley Cart Road, and Zojila Pass, harsh measures were also implemented.

Oppressive taxes were levied, particularly impacting skilled artisans in shawl and silk production. In Kashmir: The Case for Freedom, co-author Tariq Ali notes that Kashmiri workers staged their first strike in the spring of 1924, when about 5,000 employees at the state-owned silk factory demanded a pay increase. While management conceded to a modest wage hike, they arrested the protest leaders.

Taxes also included traki (tax on rice), malikana (landowner tax), sathrashahi (marriage tax), rassudar (house tax), and even taxes on graves, sheep, and fruit. This contributed to a decline in state crafts and the deterioration of vibrant artistic centres.

Ali mentions another instance in April 1931, when police disrupted the Friday sermon at a Jammu mosque, claiming the preacher’s references to Moses and Pharaoh from the Quran were seditious. This, according to Ali, sparked a fresh wave of protests. By June, Srinagar witnessed its largest political rally, where attendees elected eleven representatives, including Sheikh Abdullah, a shawl trader’s son, to lead the fight against both local and colonial oppression. Abdullah would go on to shape Kashmir’s political landscape for the next fifty years.

Communal divisions deepened as jagirs and other grants were often transferred from Kashmiris to the Maharaja’s co-religionists and trusted allies, further complicating the social situation. Albion Rajkumar Banerjee, who served as prime minister of Jammu and Kashmir from 1927 to 1929, deemed the circumstances unbearable. Disappointed by his failure to implement even minor reforms, he decided to resign. “The large Muslim population is absolutely illiterate, labouring under poverty and very low economic conditions of living in the villages and practically governed like dumb driven cattle,” he remarked (as cited by Ali in his book).