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Journalism of Courage
In his election speeches, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been reiterating that the work done by him in the last 10 years is “just a trailer” or “the appetizer”, and that he has much more to do. Modi has also been holding meetings on his “first 100 days” agenda, while declaring that the party’s target this time is 370-plus seats for itself, and 400-plus for the NDA.
One aspect of this is sealing the impression that the party is confident of returning to power. It also feeds into the chatter about what a Modi government with an even larger majority will do next.
Modi, who came in as a candidate of “change”, has often talked about transforming citizens’ lives, as he leads India to becoming “the world’s third largest economy”.
A large section of BJP leaders say that if he gets elected to a third term as PM, Modi’s primary goal would be leaving an indelible mark in every sector, with his eyes said to be on the reign of Jawaharlal Nehru, who has had the longest tenure so far in the post, at 16 years and 286 days.
On more tangible terms, a Modi 3.0 government would have the task of steering the complicated delimitation exercise. That can happen only after a Census, which incidentally is itself delayed now for three years.
The delimitation exercise is expected to be a minefield, as the South fears a further erosion of its influence when the number of parliamentary seats go up as per population following the Census. Given that the South’s population numbers are lower, its share of seats in Parliament as compared to the North will fall – a prospect that the regional parties in the South have been highlighting, playing on the fears in the region regarding what is seen as an already North-centric government.
In the run-up to the Assembly elections in November, Modi had taken the topic head-on at a rally in Telangana, observing that the South “stands to lose 100 seats” in a delimitation exercise, which is as of now scheduled to be held in 2026. Modi’s intent was to put his own twist on the Congress’s slogan in support of a caste census – “jitni aabadi, utna haq (rights as per numbers)” – to say that a number-based exercise would be detrimental to the South’s interests.
As per an affidavit submitted by the Centre in the Supreme Court, the delimitation is likely to increase the number of seats in the Lok Sabha from 543 to 888, and in the Rajya Sabha from 250 to 384.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M K Stalin has termed the exercise a “Sword of Damocles” hanging over the heads of southern states.
With a supreme majority, which can only come on the back of a larger BJP footprint in the South, the Modi government can expect elbow room to handle the tricky issue better.
Senior BJP leaders say the party is acutely aware of balancing regional equations, pointing to the care the Modi government has taken to showcase South traditions and honour them in power, and accuse the Opposition of fear-mongering.
Another issue on which the Modi government is expected to change gears is simultaneous elections, a beginning for which has already been made with the Ram Nath Kovind-led panel submitting its recommendations regarding how this could be done.
The process to ‘One Nation One Election’ requires Constitutional amendments in two steps – first for holding Lok Sabha and all state elections together, and later for synchronising local elections with the Lok Sabha / Assembly polls. This again would require substantial numbers in Parliament, apart from Assemblies.
Similarly, a beginning has been made towards a Uniform Civil Code, with the BJP-ruled Uttarakhand implementing it and other states ruled by the party set to follow suit. Given that the current UCC plans steer away from rituals of indigenous communities, the BJP does not expect any major challenge if its next government moves ahead with a nationwide UCC.
On the contentious agenda of disputed religious sites in Kashi and Mathura, a Modi 3.0 government is unlikely to take any precipitous step, and “leave it to courts”. This has been the Modi regime’s line, taking a cue from the Supreme Court’s ruling in favour of the Hindu side in Ayodhya, and the eventual smooth construction of Ram Temple there.
BJP leaders say that another top issue should Modi return to power would be water. While the Har Ghar Jal Mission, to provide tap water to every rural household, was launched in 2019, the PM reportedly wants to next push for long-term solutions to the water crisis in different parts of the country, including long-standing disputes between states. The idea, sources said, was to “decentralise” water source revival, recharge and distribution, with participation of communities and villagers.
In his speeches, Modi has spoken about setting up a chain of one lakh cold storage units, to help farmers keep their produce fresh, in a temperature-controlled environment, helping them as well as consumers.
What might be on the front burner now after the recent developments in Delhi and the arrest of Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal is whether the Capital should revert to UT status. What gives the BJP confidence is the smooth sailing of the National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Bill (GNCTD Bill) introduced by it in its second term, which essentially empowers Centre-appointed bureaucrats to overrule the CM’s decisions.
Modi’s detractors have been saying that the reason the BJP is seeking a big majority is that it wants to change “B R Ambedkar’s Constitution” – with passing remarks by some BJP leaders fanning such talk. According to the Opposition, a Modi government with a brute majority would make a start with the Preamble and remove the words ‘socialist’ and ‘secular’ added to it by the 42nd Amendment.
However, senior leaders of the party deny this outright, saying neither the BJP nor Modi has any desire to go down this path.
