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Journalism of Courage
June 30, 2022, the day Eknath Shinde was sworn in as the Chief Minister of Maharashtra, now appears like a speck in the distance. It is actually just a year since Shinde and Devendra Fadnavis took over reins in the state, promising “good governance”.
Even their honeymoon period now appears long over, with the partners trying to figure out how to stick together, with cracks in the coalition widening. The BJP’s unconditional support, on which Shinde’s Sena faction had sealed the partnership a year ago, has given way to careful calibration with visible fault lines.
Officially, the CM continues to say, “Everything is fine between the Shiv Sena and the BJP.” His deputy, Devendra Fadnavis, gives an identical response. The partners have also announced their alliance for the 2024 Lok Sabha and Assembly polls up ahead. But the pulls and pressures within, are evident, with Shiv Sena MP Gajanan Kirtikar declaring, “The Shiv Sena [Shinde] won’t settle for anything less than 22 out of 48 [Lok Sabha] seats.”
While the wrangling over seat sharing is obvious, the ongoing war between local leaders of the two parties, over taking credit for government projects, or over asserting their territorial right, has the top leadership on tenterhooks. Skirmishes have already been reported from Jalgaon, Kalyan, Amravati and Thane.
Asked about the differences, state BJP president Chandrashekhar Bawankule said, “We have started a process to ensure greater coordination between the Shinde Sena and the BJP.” He added that in any coalition, “…there are some issues. But they can be addressed.” What is important is that “we want to contest together. Shinde and Fadnavis have set a target of 42-plus seats in the Lok Sabha, and 200-plus in the Assembly”.
Some BJP leaders expressed their disappointment over the Shinde faction’s uncooperative attitude at the grassroots to Amit Shah, when the Union Home Minister visited Maharashtra in April. But, a senior leader said, “Amit Shah categorically told us to bear in mind that the BJP was in power in the state solely because of Shinde.” The message was clear: don’t complain, resolve differences mutually.
So, when the Shinde Sena put a full-page advertisement in newspapers, declaring Shinde to be ahead of Fadnavis in popularity, the state BJP tread cautiously, and ensured the centreal leadership’s intervention. It resulted in a damage control exercise by Shinde the next day, through a second advertisement showing Shinde and Fadnavis at par.
But the dam seems to have broken. A senior BJP functionary said, “Our cadres are deeply hurt. And this won’t go away. We didn’t like Fadnavis being relegated to the Deputy CM’s post. At least, that was our party matter. But why should we take insults from allies?”
The wounds run deep. From the beginning, it was evident to BJP members that being the big partner, the national party would have to shoulder greater responsibility on both fronts — governance and politics.
The BJP’s central leaders, who had meticulously planned and executed the “Operation Lotus” to split the Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray, had drawn a clear roadmap for Shinde. They told the BJP cadre that they had to empower Shinde, so that he could wean away sainiks loyal to Uddhav. For the BJP, it was sweet revenge for Uddhav’s “betrayal”, post-2019 Assembly polls. In the wake of the advertisement fiasco, that bonhomie is all but lost.
So much for politics. On the governance front too, the Shinde-Fadnavis duopoly has faltered, with bumps every few months that have rattled their wagon. It began with the Opposition criticism of the relocation of the Rs 1.5 lakh crore investment by Vedanta-Foxconn in a semi-conductor factory to neighbouring Gujarat, with no big-ticket project as replacement in the horizon, despite the state government’s regular claims of being the biggest destination for FDI. Meanwhile, the government is facing protests by villagers and NGOs at Ratnagiri in the Konkan division that threatens to derail the biggest refinery project in the state, which had promised Rs 3 lakh crore in investments and one lakh jobs. Ratnagiri Refinery & Petrochemical Ltd is a joint venture of three PSUs — Indian Oil Corporation, Bharat Petroleum Corporation Ltd and Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Ltd
With 55-60% of the state population relying on agriculture and allied activities, the government has faced plenty of problems in the agriculture sector, after recurring hailstorms and unseasonal rains caused massive crop losses. But the state government’s annual grant of Rs 6,000 to every farmer has brought some relief. This is apart from the Centre’s parallel scheme that gives an equal amount to the farmers in three installments. According to former agriculture minister Anil Bonde, “A sum of Rs 12,000 to a farmer may not help him tide the crisis completely, but at least, he can finance his sustenance. That’s a huge relief.”
All incomplete mega projects from the previous NDA government that were shelved by the MVA — in infrastructure, water resources and water conservation, including the Jalyukt Shivar Abhiyan to mitigate drought — have also been revived and put on fast-track by the Shinde-Fadnavis government.
On the socio-political front, challenges arising from Sakal Hindu Samaj rallies against “love jihad”, to communal clashes over display of Aurangzeb’s pictures, fake WhatsApp messages and mob lynching by cow vigilante groups, have remained a litmus test for the state government. “The ruling parties’ support for rallies by Hindu outfits against ‘love jihad’ has exposed the government’s claim of free and fair governance. As an administrator, you can’t be seen taking sides,” said Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) president Prakash Ambedkar. The political patronage to polarisation politics by the government has emboldened Hindu outfits to get aggressive against Muslims, he explained.
Beyond the bluster of the CM and his deputy, there is also unrest within Shinde faction, with the ambitions of half a dozen MLAs — of becoming ministers — having failed, with no signs of a Cabinet expansion in the horizon, despite the state government running on a skeleton Cabinet of just 20 ministers for a year, against an optimum limit of 43. It could make for a rough ride over the remaining one-and-a-half years of the government.
Their state opposition has been quick to bait the incumbents. The NCP’s Ajit Pawar is often heard saying, “Their Cabinet expansion has been on hold for a year, as the CM fears that those [Shinde Sena MLAs] who are denied ministerial posts will walk out.” Even Congress chief Nana Patole hasn’t let go of the opportunity, saying, “If the CM can’t decide on Cabinet expansion, it shows political vulnerability.”
