Soz’s anti-PM vote no vote-catcher

As the three vehicles of his entourage come to halt at a marketplace in Sheri village, loudspeakers fitted on an Ambassador crackle. Soz walks to a shop and begins addressing a handful of people. He points towards posters which explain why he had toppled the Vajpayee Government. “I have established it beyond doubt that nobody can purchase me. My conscience is not a saleablecommodity,” he thunders.

The long-suffering people are hardly bothered about policies and principles. An old native holds Soz’s hand and complains that everyone forgets this village after being elected. Soz promises to do something this time and diverts his attention by distributing booklets and handbills. “Kalam davat peth vote trave (Put your stamp on kalam davat),” he appeals before moving on to Nowshera village.

The scene is virtually the same all along the picturesque terrain. The walnut crop is ready and the world-famous apples of this belt are ripe. No one has more than a few minutes to spare for politicians.

Having been dumped by the National Conference for voting against Vajpayee, Soz would have sunk without a trace if the Congress had not extended its support to him, ignoring large-scale resentment in the local cadre. In a triangular contest here, Soz’s position is most vulnerable. Had Supreme Court lawyer Muzaffar Hussain Beig not jumped into the fray as a candidate of the People’sDemocratic Party, recently floated by the father-daughter duo of the Muftis, Soz would have had less to worry about with lightweight National Conference candidate A R Shaheen in the fray.

Now he is running against time in this huge parliamentary constituency that’s spread over 15 Assembly segments in the two militancy-ravaged districts of Baramulla and Kupwara. Campaigning in the large areas of at least four Assembly segments of Handwara, Bandipore, Lolab and Langate in nearly impossible. Three other Assembly segments Rafiabad, Sopore and Kupwara are also affected by heavy presence of militants, making such an exercise foolhardy.

The voters’ apathy, militants’ threat perception and the boycott call given by the All Parties Hurriyat Conference has left at least Soz and Beig jittery. “A low turnout is in favour of the NC as then it will be easier for them to manage votes in their strongholds,” says Beig. The threat (from militants) is more than a psychological one and the NC is using it to its advantagefor keeping disgruntled voters away from the polling booths, alleges Beig.

The indifference of the voters stems from the resentment against Farooq Abdullah’s regime and lack of performance by the truant MPs. In these industrially backward districts, distribution of largesse by the NC government only among its leaders and select supporters and non-redressal of the grievances of the common people, has left voters disillusioned with the political process itself. That is the reason why local issues are dominating in this election.

No wonder, NC nominee Shaheen and Soz, who has been winning on the NC ticket, have to appear in sack cloth and ashes. Beig, however, is projecting himself as the constituency’s only hope.

It’s Shia leader Iftikhar Hussain Ansari, who crossed over from the Congress to become a minister in Farooq’s cabinet, who can make a difference in the outcome. Ansari controls around 30,000 Shia votes. National Conference sources say within a day or two Ansari will communicate his decision tohis followers and it will be in Shaheen’s favour.

There is a hitch though. Shaheen and Ansari don’t see eye to eye and have been rivals in the Pattan Assembly constituency since a long time. Will Ansari ensure his political enemy’s victory at his own cost? The answer will have to wait.