The announcement by the Mizo National Front (MNF) government in Mizoram last week to go against the Centre’s directive to collect biometric data of Myanmarese refugees has surprised many, especially since a pilot exercise had already been conducted in July in all the districts of the state.
The reason for the backtracking is clearly because the MNF has its eyes on the assembly elections at the end of the year — although the dates are yet to be announced. The MNF’s record under Zoramthanga in the past term has not been good — development promises have not been kept, nepotism in government jobs is rampant and anti-incumbency seems to be in the air. All indications appear to suggest that a next term in office will only be possible after a good fight. The popular mood, especially in urban areas, seems to favour the Zoram People’s Movement (ZPM), led by Lalduhawma, which initially began as an alliance of independents. The ZPM gave the MNF a run for their money in the last elections with a good vote share, although they were able to acquire only six seats (out of a 40-member assembly, with the MNF winning 28). The Indian National Congress, which did badly in the last elections, seems to have rejuvenated itself under a new leader (Lalsawta) and other leaders.
Considering the impending elections in the state, most of the decisions of the government cannot but be seen in this light. Nevertheless, it is important to try and understand the volte face of the government especially when the MNF supports the North-East Democratic Alliance, a political coalition formed by the BJP. It shows how new equations are being churned out in the Northeast, along tribe and ethnicity lines, which political parties have to pay heed to.
Ever since the signing of the peace accord in 1986 under the leadership of Rajiv Gandhi and Laldenga, Mizoram has been relatively peaceful, occasional ethnic conflagrations notwithstanding. Since 1989, when the second assembly elections were held, the government has changed hands between the Congress and the MNF every two terms. The politics of the state has been mainly propelled by the issue of development, or its lack thereof, alleged corruption of those in power, and, of course, the issue of the Mizoram Liquor (Prohibition) Act, 2019, which has the support of the Church. In 2018, interestingly, intra-ethnic issues came to the forefront stridently for the first time just before the elections. Widespread protests were held over the inclusion in the electoral rolls of some Brus who were originally from Mizoram and had settled in Tripura since the late ’90s. Brus are generally not regarded as ethnic Mizos. The attempt to create voting booths for them in Tripura escalated tensions in Mizoram. Mizos saw it as an attempt by the Centre to intervene in the ethnic politics of the state and a means for the BJP to gain a foothold. Identity mobilisation, especially as seen in the last elections, has largely been driven by what are termed NGOs in Mizoram and not by political parties. The NGOs refer to social organisations such as the Mizo Zirlai Pawl and Mizoram Secular Alliance (both student bodies), the Young Mizo Association, the Mizo Hmeichhe Insuihkhawm Pawl (a statewide women’s organisation) and the Mizoram Upa Pawl (an association of the elderly). Following their protests, political parties had to join in, much of their stands and statements reflecting the position of the NGOs. In other words, it was the NGOs that drove the pre-poll narrative rather than the political parties.
As the election draws closer, the electorate’s attention has turned to what is poetically rendered as Zohnahthlak or Mizohnahthlak, which can be loosely translated as “branches of the Mizo/Zo tree”. The crisis in Manipur has also aggravated the issue. The term implies the idea of being part of the same “stock”. Mizo history writing, especially in the vernacular, has always speculated on who they are and where they have come from. In this speculation, the idea of kinship of various tribes (mentioned in colonial records as Kuki-Chin-Lushai) looms large and the notion that a separation was brought about by colonialism feeds the narrative. Terms such as the Mizohnahthlak are newer ways of expressing obsolete and awkward colonial categories. The prevalence of such terms suggests that kinship among such clans and communities has always been recognised; in reality, it has never been constant. Sometimes, even academics are prone to suggest a pre-colonial unity among what would have been rather discrete and independent chieftaincies who fought each other while, at the same time, exercising distinct notions of proximity and distance to the various groups around them. The MNF movement under Laldenga was not only a struggle for independence, but also a struggle for kindred Mizo tribes to come together to form Greater Mizoram. It included ethnic groups of the neighbouring regions. This call was not necessarily appreciated by all — the Kukis felt abandoned even as they participated actively in the struggle, but were not factored in at the time of the peace negotiations. Other political parties — such as Brigadier T Sailo’s party, the Mizoram People’s Conference — have not abandoned this vision of a Greater Mizoram, although how it is politically visualised is not clear.
The coup in Myanmar in 2021 and the refugee crisis it created led many to move to Mizoram. It brought out a reaction that was quite unprecedented. The welcome that the refugees received from NGOs, whether in terms of financial donations or as material help, was unforeseen. In some ways, this is surprising, because a few decades ago, people from Myanmar were often looked at with suspicion. However, it appears that feelings of being kindred have been actively cultivated by various interested groups over the years and times of crisis reveal the success of these activities. Social media has had a very important role to play in this cross-border dissemination. Better connectivity and cross-border trade have helped bring down what once were natural and political boundaries. Diasporic communities in the US and elsewhere have also had a role to play in this ethnic reconfiguration. It is the success of such trans-national, trans-border movements and ideas that determines Mizoram’s politics today. The MNF and other political parties seek to ride the wave and reap political benefits. Whether it will be beneficial for the state of Mizoram remains to be seen.
The writer is professor of History at the Centre for Historical Studies, JNU, New Delhi
