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Deploring the use of religion for seeking votes, the Democratic Progressive Azad Party (DPAP) chairman and ex-Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) chief minister, Ghulam Nabi Azad, has said whoever takes refuge in religion in politics is “weak”.
Addressing a public meeting at Chirala in Doda district earlier this week, Azad asserted that Muslims in India had not come from outside and that most of them have converted from Hinduism.
Noting that Islam came to existence about 1,500 years ago while the Hindu religion is very old, Azad said, “Dus-baarah log jo us waqt Mughalon ki fauj mein hongey woh bahar se aaye hongey, baki to sab Hinduon se hi convert huey hein’’ (Ten-twelve people from the Mughal army might have come to India from outside with the Mughals, the rest had converted from Hindus).
The veteran leader cited the instance of Kashmir. “Kaun Musalmaan tha wahan (in Kashmir), 600 saal pehley. Sab ke sab to Kashmiri Pandit thei. Phir woh musalmaan ban gaye’’ (Who were Muslims in Kashmir 600 years ago. All were Kashmiri Pandits, who converted to Islam), he said. Both Hindus and Muslims merge with the land of India after death, he said, asking “So what is the difference between them”.
Referring to his remarks, a former Jammu University professor, Prof Hari Om, a known supporter of the demand for a separate Jammu state, asked in a social media post, “Why he (Azad) made these statements? Is he fooling and hoodwinking gullible Hindus for votes and forging an alliance with the BJP? Ponder over’’.
During his visit to various belts across the Union Territory (UT) of J&K, Azad has been claiming at all his public meetings that he was not seeking votes as Assembly elections were not round the corner. However, the coming months would also mark the end of the five-year term of the elected civic and panchayat bodies in J&K. The term of the current municipalities across the UT will end on November 15 this year and that of panchayats on January 9, 2024.
Some political observers point out that a seasoned politician like Azad does not say anything out of context and without any motive.
In the course of his week-long tour of the Doda district, Azad had earlier criticised those opposed to abrogation of Article 370 by the Centre in August 2019 – which stripped J&K of special status – saying that they were ignorant of the history and geography of the UT. Taking a swipe at the regional parties, such as Farooq Abdullah-led National Conference (NC) and Mehbooba Mufti-headed People’s Democratic Party (PDP), he said, “Article 370 was not meant for any particular area, province or religion, but was equally beneficial to all.”
Significantly, Azad – who quit the Congress after a five-decade-long association to float his DPAP on August 26 last year – had been initially avoiding any comment on the Article 370 issue, saying its restoration was “impossible”. The BJP dispensation has scrapped it and will not restore it, he said, adding that he did not foresee the Congress coming to power with over 300 seats in near future and restoring it. The matter has been pending in the Supreme Court and people should wait for its decision, he said.
Last month, Azad sought to caution the BJP-ruled Centre on the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) issue, saying it will affect all communities. Holding that implementing the UCC will not be “as easy as it was to revoke Article 370”, he urged the government to “not even think about taking this step”.
Observers say Azad is aware that to keep himself relevant in J&K as well as national politics, he needs to garner the support of both the Muslim and Hindu communities in the UT besides remaining close to the Centre, especially when most of his loyalists who rallied behind him when he launched his outfit have since returned to the Congress fold. Over 20 J&K leaders, mostly from the DPAP, joined the Congress in the presence of party chief Mallikarjun Kharge in Delhi last Monday.
Azad is also grappling with the challenge of perception, with Congress leaders and his other opponents accusing him of being “hand in glove with BJP in a bid to split the secular vote through DPAP”. He is thus treading cautiously, keeping the Kashmiri sentiments in mind too on various issues.
Azad, 74, hails from the Muslim dominated Chenab Valley in the Jammu region, which has nearly 40-45 per cent Hindu population. Many believe that the addition of three Assembly constituencies in this belt during the recent delimitation exercise has given an “advantage” to the BJP. Even in the event of any pre-poll alliance or seats adjustment between parties like the NC, PDP and Congress, the majority Muslim vote there may get divided due to the emergence of new players like the Altaf Bukhari-led J&K Apni Party and the Aam Admi Party (AAP).
Similar is the situation in Jammu’s Pir Panjal region.
In this backdrop, the DPAP has been reaching out to both Muslim and Hindu voters. “Even if Azad does not win in the polls, he will be helping the BJP by dividing the non-BJP votes, especially the Congress votes,” said one of his former loyalists.
The BJP had emerged as the single largest party in the UT with 74 seats in the maiden District Development Council (DDC) elections held in 2020, even though the Gupkar alliance, which includes the NC and PDP, had fielded their joint candidates in it.
While keeping his options open, Azad seems to be making moves to ensure that in the event of a hung verdict in the coming J&K Assembly polls he is able to forge an alliance with the saffron party.
