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Journalism of Courage
The Congress, which seems set to win Telangana for the first time since its formation in 2014, did not have much hope about its chances in the state even at the beginning of this year, despite Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra receiving a good response in the state compared to even neighbouring Andhra Pradesh.
The lukewarm response to the Yatra in Andhra had seen the party sack its unit chief in November last year soon after the walkathon exited the state. In contrast, the encouraging response the Yatra received in Telangana enthused the party and it began an exercise to put its divided house in order in December-January.
While the Congress central leadership had declared much in advance that it will not have any tie-up with the seemingly invincible Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) in Telangana, a section of the party was baying for the blood of state Congress chief A Revanth Reddy.
The AICC stepped in then, throwing its weight behind Revanth, sending an unambiguous message to the warring leaders to fall in line even while replacing in-charge Manickam Tagore, who was seen as Revanth’s prime backer.
Then came the Congress’s thumping victory in Karnataka, injecting much-needed hope and confidence in the party in Telangana.
In the wake of Sunday’s numbers, Congress leaders recalled how the party had lost its security deposit in the Munugode bypoll just a year ago.
The sense in the Congress was that the Karnataka outcome could rub off in Telangana. Soon after taking over, the Congress government in Karnataka started rolling out the welfare schemes (“guarantees” in Congress parlance) that it had promised. It gave the Telangana Congress the confidence to tell the voters that the party means business when it comes to implementation of the welfare sops – hence taking on the challenge the BRS posed with its plethora of schemes.
Feeling the heat, the BRS even dispatched a group of senior leaders to Karnataka, who met farmers, women and young voters, and put up the argument that all was not well in the state under the Congress. In fact, a group of farmers with the backing of the BRS even staged a protest in Kodangal town warning voters against the party’s promises, and cautioning that long hours of power cuts may follow if the Congress won.
In fact, the BRS kept talking about electricity and water shortages in Karnataka. It even put out video testimonials of farmers from Karnataka.
Having backed Revanth, a powerful orator with strong community support, the Congress high command told the Telangana leaders to paper over the differences and show a united face. At the same time, Revanth was told to shed his “autocratic” ways and penchant to promote his supporters. The closing of ranks by the warring state leaders coincided with internal surveys of the party after the Karnataka verdict showing the build-up of anti-incumbency mood in Telangana.
The run-up to the elections hence saw very little infighting, a rarity in the Congress. Revanth and CLP leader Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka took out separate yatras, but there was very little public acrimony, though most of the senior state leaders remain antagonistic – and to a large extent, still are – to Revanth, who joined the Congress only in 2017.
Unlike in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, there was very little jostling among leaders even during ticket distribution. This is largely because the party did not have powerful satraps who could stare the high command in the eye. Also, the central leadership kept a close eye on the state at every stage of the campaign.
Even hardcore critics of Revanth admit he is a charismatic and powerful orator. A leader with stints in the TDP and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (as the BRS was earlier called), he was handed over the reins of the party in 2021 just four years after crossing sides.
One of his sharpest critics told The Indian Express that all the factors came together in Revanth’s favour. “After the Karnataka elections, the graph of the Congress changed dramatically. It is not about one individual playing… ultimately the enthusiasm of the party cadre and the leadership… will help the man sitting at the top. He had been at the helm since 2021, but it was only after the Karnataka elections that the graph began to change.”
But, he conceded, the 54-year-old is a charismatic orator who also energised the cadre at his level. “He talks in a very informal manner… giving all kinds of slang to the family of the Chief Minister. That attracted people,” the leader said, while adding that the speeches were “one of the many factors”.
It helped that Revanth had the backing of the central leadership. Sources said he was among those who pushed Rahul Gandhi hard to take out the cross-country yatra starting from the South, sensing a favourable public sentiment for the Congress in the region.
Revanth’s massive public meetings since he became state unit chief did lead to some innuendo about the source of his resources, but the Congress will not be complaining.
Two of the key campaign strategies of the Congress was to debunk the welfare schemes of the K Chandrashekar Rao government – to project its own alternative model – and drive in the point that there was an informal understanding within the BRS, BJP and AIMIM.
“We told the people repeatedly the truth of the schemes. There are four or five schemes. One is Kalyana Lakshmi, under which Rs 1 lakh is given for marriage of a girl child, whereas the Bangaru Thalli scheme in combined Andhra was giving Rs 2.16 lakh to the girl. The BRS, in fact, reduced the amount. On ration, the Congress government in combined Andhra used to give rice and nine essential commodities. Now only rice is given. The third one is pensions. In the combined state, old men and women both used to get pensions. Now there is only one old aged pension in a household. Farmers used to get interest-free agricultural loans… that was removed,” Vikramarka told The Indian Express.
The campaign along these lines, managed by Sunil Kanugolu, worked to perfection.
From Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge to Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, the Congress messaging was relentless when it came to suggesting that the BRS-BJP and the AIMIM were working together. The Congress’s campaign was helped by the BJP’s surprise decision to replace its combative state unit president Bandi Sanjay Kumar as state party chief in August. Coupled with that was the slackening pace in the ED investigation against KCR’s daughter K Kavitha in the Delhi excise policy case.
Adding the AIMIM, which had an informal understanding with the BRS, into the mix was crucial to send a signal to the Muslim voters.
Unlike in the past, Rahul and Priyanka spent considerable time in Telangana – Rahul even participated in the Vijayabheri Yatra taken out by the state leadership of the party. The party tried to strike an emotional chord, talking about Indiramma Rajyam (Indira Gandhi had won from Medak in 1980) and the role played by Sonia Gandhi in creation of the state.
The Congress, however, was also careful not to talk too much about creation of the state as the party’s internal assessment was that the Telangana agitation sympathy which had powered the BRS to victory both in 2014 and 2018 was on the wane. The party felt the anti-incumbency mood could fill the vacuum.
Replicating the Karnataka model, the Congress high command micromanaged the Telangana elections. The party had put in place scores of observers monitoring the campaign in almost every constituency. The seriousness shown by the Congress central leadership rubbed off on the local leaders, and fostered unity. Almost the entire leadership of Karnataka camped in Telangana coordinating the campaign efforts.
Sample this: The Congress cluster in-charges included Dinesh Gundu Rao, Priyank Kharge, K H Muniyappa, Krishna Byre Gowda, Eshwara Khandre, M C Sudhakar, Sharan Prakash Patil, and B Nagendra. Under them were Assembly constituency observers, many of them senior leaders from other states such as Ghuman Ahmed Mir, Yashomati Thakur, Praniti Shinde, Hibi Eden, Varsha Gaikwad.
The party also roped in Kerala veteran Ramesh Chennithala and former Maharashtra CM Ashok Chavan as special observers.
