Akali Dal leader Naresh Gujral: ‘Akal Takht order doesn’t mean return to Panthic politics… Not at all. We’ll continue to prioritise Hindu-Sikh unity’

Look, the fact is that there was a disconnect between the Akali Dal and the people, which reflects in the decline in our vote percentage. However, that also presents a challenge to reconnect with the public. The Akal Takht’s statement highlighted the truth – the people are disillusioned. But every party goes through ups and downs. I believe the party will take this as a challenge, fight back, and work to regain the trust of the people.

* But the public questioning of Badal by the Akal Takht… will it make things more difficult for him personally?

I don’t think so. When you appear before the Akal Takht, you go as a humble Sikh. Displaying humility earns forgiveness from the Sikh community, which has a large heart. Forgiveness has been a tradition in Punjab, starting with Maharaja Ranjit Singh, who also appeared before the Akal Takht to admit his mistakes. The people forgave him, and this enduring tradition of the Sikhs should be appreciated.

* The Jathedar also withdrew the title of ‘Fakhr-e-Qaum (Pride of the Country)’ given to Parkash Singh Badal. How does that impact the party given that the SAD draws so much on his legacy?

I don’t think so. The Akal Takht, in its wisdom, decided to withdraw the title, and I’m not questioning that. However, people don’t vote based on titles or honours conferred on individuals. Many factors influence voting decisions, and this withdrawal of the title is unlikely to have a political impact.

* Some believe the development might push the SAD towards Panthic issues rather than its broader Punjab, Punjabi, and Punjabiyat focus.

Not at all. The Akal Takht has not said anything about moving away from Punjab, Punjabi, and Punjabiyat. The party’s focus has always been the interest of Punjab, which includes maintaining Hindu-Sikh amity. This bhaichara, or brotherhood, is the lifeblood of Punjab. It’s vital for peace and progress. Division between Hindus and Sikhs would lead to turmoil, as we witnessed in the 1980s and 1990s. I have spoken to many leaders, and there is complete clarity that the party will continue to prioritise unity.

* The BJP has welcomed the verdict. Does this indicate efforts at rapprochement?

Why did we unite in the first place? It was to heal the rupture in Hindu-Sikh relations and restore brotherhood. While we didn’t share the same ideology, the alliance aimed to build confidence, and to a large extent, it succeeded.

We parted ways over principles, especially post-2014. The Vajpayee-led NDA was vastly different. He honoured smaller parties and ensured the BJP didn’t encroach on its allies’ political space. However, after 2014, this coalition dharma was abandoned. The culmination were the three controversial farm laws, introduced without broad consultation. (Senior Akali leader and then Union minister) Harsimrat Badal opposed them in the Cabinet, but they were pushed through in the name of ‘reforms’. Even if the laws were reforms, a dialogue with the beneficiaries was essential to address concerns. The absence of a dialogue bred distrust and anger, and ultimately the laws had to be repealed.

Another major issue (with the BJP) was interference in Sikh religious institutions, from Delhi to Patna Sahib, Hazoor Sahib and Haryana. There seemed to be a deliberate plan, which every Sikh resented. Despite these concerns being raised, they were ignored.

Then there was our demand for the release of Bandi Sikhs (Sikh political prisoners). While prisoners from other communities were freed, Sikhs who had spent time in jail beyond their sentences were not.

At one stage we found that Sikhs were being sidelined in appointments – whether as vice-chancellors, governors or commissioners. For a long time, there wasn’t even a Sikh representative in the Minority Commission.

Even during the Lok Sabha elections, we couldn’t forge an alliance due to these unresolved issues.

Our core demands remain. Unless these are addressed, we cannot move forward. Parties that abandon their core ideology do not survive. For rapprochement to happen, they must respond to our concerns.

* Do you see any straws in the wind regarding this?

It’s too early to tell. For now, we are focused on strengthening our base. Every village has Akali workers – we just need to reconnect with them. We hope that Sikhs, and Punjabis at large, will forgive us and support us again.

* The Akalis chose to sit out the recent bypolls. Do you think that was the wrong decision?

No, I don’t think so. If we had contested the bypolls without the participation of Sukhbir Badal, who has been the party president for a long time, it would have signalled a vote of no-confidence in his leadership. It would also have meant going to battle without our commander-in-chief. So, I believe it was a well-thought-out strategy. Moreover, three-four bypolls don’t determine the life of a party.

* There’s a thought that what the party really needs is a leadership change.

If you look around, leadership change debates are common in every party. For instance, at one point, there were demands within the Congress to move beyond the Gandhis. Regional parties have faced similar calls for change. Even in the BJP, some sections have voiced such demands.

Ultimately, it is the party’s rank and file who decide their leader. The Akal Takht has called for a process to begin within six months, leading to a membership drive and elections. The party will democratically decide its next leader, and it’s not for a few dissidents to dictate the choice.

If the results of this process show that people don’t have faith in Sukhbir Badal, he will step aside. If they vote for him, he will return. As they say, doodh ka doodh, pani ka pani – everything will be clear.

* In the Lok Sabha polls, radical names such as Amritpal Singh and Sarabjit Singh Khalsa got elected in Punjab. Does this indicate a drift towards radical elements?

I don’t see a large-scale drift, but this development doesn’t bode well for Punjab. The state is grappling with many pressing issues, and the rise of radical elements stems largely from the challenges faced by Punjab’s youth – primarily unemployment and a sense of hopelessness. This is why we have been advocating for Punjab and Punjabis to reinvent themselves.

For far too long, Punjab has been reliant on agriculture. After four to five generations, landholdings have shrunk to two-three acres, which offer little hope for the future. This lack of opportunities drives many youths to leave Punjab, often by any means possible.

Militancy often stems from hopelessness and frustration. Addressing these through policies that create labour-intensive jobs is crucial.

Direct interference in Sikh religious affairs aggravates tensions. The Centre needs to handle Punjab’s issues with sensitivity. Unfortunately, after Arun Jaitley, no BJP leader seems to understand Punjab’s unique dynamics.

If the youths turn to radicalism, it could mean a return to the troubled times of the ’80s and ’90s, which is a dangerous prospect. Punjab’s challenges require economic solutions, and both the state and the Centre must act responsibly.