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The Israeli military on Friday (October 4) said it had killed around 250 Hezbollah fighters since its ground operations in Lebanon began on September 30. It has also confirmed that eight of its soldiers have been killed in southern Lebanon.
Lebanon is located to Israel’s north. The Iran-backed militant group Hezbollah operates from the south of Lebanon, from where it has been firing rockets into Israel ever since the Gaza war began in October last year.
The escalated fight in Lebanon is being seen as an Israel-Hezbollah clash, and as part of the battle between Israel and Iran. Yet, Lebanon is a sovereign nation with its own armed forces. As Israel pushes into Lebanon’s territory on the ground and bombs it from the air, killing and displacing its civilians, what is the stand of the Lebanese government and the army? Why are they being excluded from the ‘Israel-Hezbollah war’ framing? The answer lies in Lebanon’s history and geography.
The ancient civilisation of Lebanon has the most religious diversity in West Asia. It is home to a number of religious denominations, including Shias, Sunnis, Maronite Christians, Druze, Melkites, Greek Orthodox Christians, etc.
After World War I, when the victors divided the Ottoman empire into various mandates, Lebanon was under France. After freedom from France in 1943, a confessional form of government was created for Lebanon, with various religious groups assured representation. Thus, the posts of President, Prime Minister, and Speaker have to be divided among a Sunni, a Shia, and a Maronite.
Seemingly fair, this system has led to long instability in Lebanon, creating a culture of patronage and corruption. Politicians wield power along sectarian lines, and not necessarily on performance. It has also made Lebanon vulnerable to multiple civil wars and foreign muddling, with Syria, Israel, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the West backing various groups and actors.
As of today, a weak, caretaker government is in place, because there has been no consensus on the Presidential candidate since 2022. Najib Mikati, a Sunni Muslim, is Prime Minister.
A terrible economic crisis of 2019, which is still spiralling, has further weakened the government (although public anger over the economic crisis has hit Hezbollah’s popularity too). Continuous inflow of refugees from the neighbouring war-torn Syria has not helped. In this scenario, Hezbollah has established itself as a quasi state, maintaining not just its own militia, but holding seats in the Lebanese Parliament and running a network of welfare and financial services. To read more about Hezbollah and how it was formed, read our explainer here.
The government, thus, lacks the kind of authority and legitimacy required to tackle the current mess. Then there is the matter of a UN resolution it has not implemented with respect to Hezbollah, which ties its hand both inside and outside Lebanon.
Mikati has sought to attract the international community’s attention to the mounting death destruction in his country. On October 2, he said around 1.2 million people in Lebanon had been displaced by Israeli attacks, and there was “an immediate need for a ceasefire.”
Before that, on September 30, he brought up the UN resolution, the UN Security Council Resolution 1701. After a meeting with the country’s speaker, Nabih Berri (a Shia), Mikati said, “We in Lebanon are ready to implement 1701, and immediately upon the implementation of the ceasefire, Lebanon is ready to send the Lebanese army to the area south of the Litani River and to carry out its full duties.”
The UN resolution 1701 was adopted to end the 2006 Hezbollah and Israel war. Under its terms, Hezbollah was to withdraw north of the Litani river, which lies about 30 km from Lebanon’s border with Israel. Israel was to completely vacate southern Lebanon, which it had entered (not for the first time) to uproot Hezbollah. The official Lebanese army and UN peacekeepers would be the only armed force south of the Litani River.
Lebanon’s government, however, has never acted to expel Hezbollah from the south of Litani. When questioned by the international community, it has pointed out that the other parts of the resolution, which involved Israel giving up the disputed Sheba Farms and other areas, have not been implemented either.
The Lebanese army is beset by many problems, the biggest of which is that it reports to a weak government. But apart from that, the country’s civil wars have left their imprint on the Army. After years of Syrian influence, it is beset by factionalism between the followers of political groups the March 14 Alliance (against Syria) and the March 8 Alliance (pro-Syria).
Also, it is widely believed to be a weaker force than Hezbollah, both in terms of numerical strength and ammunition stockpile. Technically, it is supposed to rein in Hezbollah, but it has never taken on the group in a big way over fears of a civil war. On occasions, the two armies have fought side by side, such as in the battle against ISIS.
As Israel attacks on Lebanese territory expand, if the Lebanese army were to respond, it could appear to be fighting alongside Hezbollah. This would sit well neither within the country — Hezbollah is increasingly unpopular — nor with the international community. The Lebanese army has had regular training programmes with the West, and Lebanon needs aid money from Europe and other pro-Israel countries.
In past Israel and Hezbollah clashes, the army has chosen to sit them out. But this time, as casualties in Lebanon mount, there have been reports of Lebanese soldiers responding to Israeli fire.
