Bucking four decade trend, BJP predicted to retain Uttar Pradesh
The results of the elections in Uttar Pradesh, which has 403 Assembly seats, is keenly watched today. With 80 seats out of the 543 in Lok Sabha, 403 in the Assembly, and 31 of the 245 in Rajya Sabha, besides a 100-member Legislative Council, Uttar Pradesh with its over 15 crore voters carries more weight than any other state in the country’s politics. Yogi Adityanath, who took oath as Chief Minister on March 19, 2017, will be the third (after Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati) to complete their five-year tenure.
Most exit polls, barring two, forecast that the ruling BJP may suffer losses but will still cross the half-way mark of 202 comfortably and retain power, bucking a trend of nearly four decades. The state has not returned a government to power since 1985. The SP-RLD alliance, which waged a spirited campaign, may make major gains as compared to 2017 but is likely to fall well short of the magic figure. The Congress, the polls predicted, would remain in single digits.
A look at the politics of Uttar Pradesh, over the years
Why power is charging Uttar Pradesh poll campaigns
Not just bulls, how bulldozers made it to election lexicon in UP
An interesting contest in Punjab, which may have national ramifications
An interesting contest is likely to play out in Punjab, the only state in these Assembly polls which is not under BJP rule. The outcome of the polls will reflect the fallout of the farmers' protests.
Most pollsters gave the AAP numbers much ahead of the ruling Congress and the Akali Dal-BSP combine. If the exit poll predictions hold true and the AAP manages to win Punjab, the outcome has the potential to trigger a churning in Indian politics, especially in the Opposition space as no other party barring the BJP and the Congress are in power in more than one state now.
Why Dalits and a Dalit CM matter in Punjab’s politics
Migrants in Punjab and why they matter
How Congress is pitching old issues to win the Punjab election
A neck-and-neck race in Uttarakhand, Goa
In Uttarakhand, the opinion polls differed sharply. While some gave the ruling BJP an edge, others predicted the Congress would emerge as the single largest party. None of the polls gave either side more than 40 seats. No party has retained power in Uttarakhand since its formation in 2000. If the BJP manages to hold on to power, it will be a record of sorts. In 2017, riding the Modi wave, the BJP managed to win in 57 of the total 70 Assembly seats while the Congress was limited to 11 seats. Two of the remaining seats were won by independent candidates who are now with the ruling party.
In Goa too, pollsters predicted a dead-heat race with none of the polls predicting a comfortable victory for either the ruling BJP or the Congress. Most polls predicted that the AAP could win a couple of seats. Incidentally, one poll (ABP-C Voter) predicted that the Trinamool Congress would win 5-9 seats which, if turned out to be true, would place it in a king maker’s role. In the 40-member House, the Congress had emerged as the single largest party in 2017, winning 17 seats but the BJP, which won 13 seats, managed to form the government with the support of the Goa Forward Party and the MGP which had won three seats each and two independents.
Uttarakhand: A history of political instability and alternate governments
Behind Harish shift out of Ramnagar, Congress bid to curb Ranjit spoilsport
Uttarakhand polls: ‘Outsider’ takes many shades in Kumaon hills
Political significance of Bhandari community in Goa polls
An Expert Explains: Politics and history in Goa
Why TMC’s Goa entry has created a flutter in the state
All exit polls predict BJP win in Manipur
The election to Manipur's 60-member Assembly has been defined by turmoil, instability and defections. All the polls predicted that the ruling BJP would either emerge as the single largest party or cross the halfway mark. In 2017, the Congress had emerged as the single largest party in the state. Though the Congress had won 28 seats in the 60-member house, the BJP with 21 seats got the support of four MLAs each from the Naga People’s Front and the National People’s Party and one from the Lok Janshakti Party and an independent to reach the magic figure of 31. Most polls predicted that the NPP and NPF could repeat or better their 2017 performance.
Uttar Pradesh: Yogi prevails in bipolar contest
Bipolar fight: It was clear from the beginning that the election would be between the BJP and the Samajwadi Party, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath targeting the SP and Akhilesh Yadav by referring to “mafiawaad”, “gundagardi by laal topiwalahs”, and “appeasement of one community” (Muslims). As the results show, voters too made their choice between the BJP and the SP (or their respective allies), largely ignoring the BSP and the Congress.
Security & Hindutva: Many voters were convinced that it was necessary to bring the incumbent government back to power solely on the issue of law and order, their argument being that no government can remove problems like inflation and unemployment completely. Adityanath’s comments like “garmi thanda kar doonga” or “bulldozer chalega” were widely seen as references to operations on criminals. (Read More)
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It is premature to write the epitaph of a party as old as the Congress, which still has a pan-Indian footprint. But the resounding rejection of the party in the Assembly elections poses the worst crisis it has ever faced, as well as the big question: where does it go from here?
The Congress was in power in just three states – Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Mizoram – when Sonia Gandhi took over as Congress president in 1998. From there, it won state after state, returning to power at the Centre in 2004. In 2014, it was in power in nine states. Today, the Congress is worse off than it was 24 years ago — it is ruling in only two states, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. So, what now? Manoj C G writes
Emboldened by its victories in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Manipur, the BJP has begun strategising for the next elections, claiming that it starts planning for the next on the same night that the results for one come out.
With the results being widely seen as an endorsement to the BJP’s welfare politics — various schemes and an effective delivery system, cutting across caste and religious lines — party sources said they would focus on consolidating its new “vote bank” of “women and beneficiaries of welfare schemes” to consolidate them further. Read Liz Mathew's report
The wheels of Mandal turn slower and slower. One of the key takeaways from the BJP’s victories in four states, and particularly in the crucial battleground of Uttar Pradesh, is this: Of the two ambitious political projects that were launched almost simultaneously in the politically turbulent 1990s, Mandal and Mandir, while the second is on its way towards achieving its aim of forging a national community that transcends faultlines of caste, class and region, the first has fragmented, its egalitarian charge more and more dissipated. Read more from Vandita Misra's report
With the stage set for the AAP to form a government in another state — the only regional party to be in power in two states — and its footprint, and ambition, growing, questions are now being raised about whether AAP can claim to be a national party?
The answer to that is: not yet. But the state party is well on its way to becoming a national party in the coming years if it meets Election Commission’s criteria. Anisha Dutta explains
BJP's poll planks for peace, development, stability — a stark contrast to the tumultuous 15-year Congress regime under the Okram Ibobi Singh, which was marked by bandhs, blockades and a sharp rise in extra-judicial killings — seem to have struck a chord with voters. Tora Agarwala explains
The BJP’s emphasis on winnability of candidates seems to have worked. It faced criticism for giving tickets to two couples, choosing defectors over its loyal cadre, but emerged as the single largest party. Mayura Janwalkar explains the Goa results
Although the Congress appeared to have ticked all the right boxes in terms of managing infighting within the party and making sound electoral promises, its dwindling presence at the national level may have worked against it in Uttarakhand. Avaneesh Mishra explains what helped the BJP win Uttarakhand
What helped the AAP sweep Punjab? The state, which has been seeing a decline in its per capita income over the last two decades, has largely voted for the Delhi model of development promised by AAP. The discerning voter now wants a party that can promise him quality education, health and employment, not mere freebies. Manraj Grewal Sharma writes
As the results show, voters too made their choice between the BJP and the SP (or their respective allies), largely ignoring the BSP and the Congress.
Many voters were convinced that it was necessary to bring the incumbent government back to power solely on the issue of law and order, their argument being that no government can remove problems like inflation and unemployment completely. Adityanath’s comments like “garmi thanda kar doonga” or “bulldozer chalega” were widely seen as references to operations on criminals. Bhupendra Pandey explains what helped the BJP in UP
Law and order: Despite criticism of rights violation, the UP government was able to successfully project its crackdown on the mafia and the killing of criminals in police encounters as a sign of better law and order. In poll rallies, CM Adityanath and Union Home Minister Amit Shah have claimed a sharp drop in crimes such as murders, kidnapping and rapes over the past five years.
Welfare schemes: The free ration scheme of the Central and state governments was a gamechanger for the BJP as families struggled through a pandemic that led to the loss of lives and jobs. Besides the ration, other schemes such as the PM Kisan Nidhi, where money was transferred to the bank accounts of farmers, helped the BJP blunt anti-incumbency against it. (Read More)
The results of the five assembly elections are a further consolidation of the momentous changes in Indian politics over the last decade. The results in UP are a spectacular win for the BJP, consolidating its power and ideological hegemony over Indian politics. It sends a plain and simple message: Politics, in the end, is a game of competitive credibility and the BJP simply has no competition. Read opinion piece by P B Mehta
The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is the only big winner apart from the BJP this election, with the party, going by trends, set to form the government in Punjab with a lead in 91 seats and opening its account in Goa with two seats and a vote share of 6%. Can AAP claim to be a national party now? Anisha Dutta explains
Based on the trends it appears that even after Congress made promises like cheaper LPG cylinders, jobs, monetary help to poor families and better health facilities, the voters voted more on issues like national interest, national security, Army welfare, and religious tourism. This was among the reasons why BJP retained Uttarakhand. Read our explainer here
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is set to retain power in Uttarakhand, with its candidates leading in 48 out of 70 assembly seats. The Congress is ahead in 18 seats. It will be for the first time in the state’s history that a ruling power will be returning to power for a second consecutive term. Here are the five reasons behind the Congress’ defeat in the state.
Why has the BJP prevailed in Manipur? Read our explainer here
Based on trends, it appears that even after the Congress made promises like cheaper LPG cylinders, jobs, monetary help to poor families and better health facilities, voters in Uttarakhand have opted for issues of national interest, national security, army welfare, and religious tourism.
Despite the party ticking the right boxes, did its national image dilute its chances in the state? During the campaign, the BJP pulled outs its big guns, with PM Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, party president J P Nadda, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, and even Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath holding rallies in the state. However, Congress leaders like Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra were relatively absent.
The image of the BJP being a pro-Army party and a party that can promote religious tourism appeared to help it in the state, which sees huge participation in the Army, and relies mostly on religious tourism. ~ Avaneesh Mishra explains
The first Dalit woman chief minister of the country, Mayawati is set to hit her lowest point in Uttar Pradesh politics. A teacher-turned-politician from Badalpur village of Gautam Budh Nagar district of Uttar Pradesh, 66-year-old BSP chief Mayawati, referred to popularly as “Behenji”, first became CM in June 1995. Though her first government could survive only a few months, over the years that followed, as Uttar Pradesh failed to vote in a government with complete majority, not just once but three times Mayawati became CM with the help of the BJP, until she led the BSP to a complete majority in 2007. She has thus served as UP CM four times.
Before the results, BSP insiders insisted Mayawati was preparing for a “larger” role now and was focused on the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. That she has also put in in-charges for different states. However, Thursday’s result might have put paid to that. Maulshree Seth writes
The Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is cruising to victory in Punjab by steamrolling the traditional players, heralding a tectonic shift in Indian politics. The AAP appears to be set to emerge as the third pole in the country’s politics, levelling the Congress’ tally of two Chief Ministers in the country, an astonishing feat for a party that has been in existence for less than a decade.
Established on November 26, 2012, the scale of AAP’s success in Punjab has propelled it to the centrestage in national politics which is already witnessing intense jockeying by leaders of a number of regional parties to emerge as the face of the Opposition ahead of the 2024 general elections. Sourav Roy Barman writes
Going by the trends, the Assembly elections in the five states will make history. In Punjab, the AAP is on its way to becoming the first regional party to win a second state, and in Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath is set to become the first chief minister to return to power after serving a full five-year term. The results of these elections also signal changes in national politics in the coming days. Liz Mathew explains the big picture
When Sonia Gandhi took over as Congress president in 1998, the party was in power in just three states – Madhya Pradesh, Odisha and Mizoram. Digvijay Singh, J B Patnaik and Lalthanhawla were the chief ministers. From there, the Congress marched from strength to strength winning state after state, returning to power at the Centre in 2004.
With today's results, the Congress has now gone back to where it was 24 years ago. Rather worse, if the Congress loses in all the states, it will be left ruling in only two states – Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh.
The Congress which has managed to win and form governments on its own in just five states in the last seven years – Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, and Puducherry – is facing an existential crisis of sorts, which the leadership is aware of but is not able to address.
In the wave of defeats that the Congress has faced since 2014, today's was perhaps the worst. The party's claim to be the centre of opposition politics will now face a serious challenge from players like the AAP and the Trinamool Congress. The churning that the results will set off will play out in the opposition space in the coming months.
The BJP is leading in 18 out of the 40 seats in Goa, and Chief Minister Pramod Sawant has pushed into the lead in Sanquelim after trailing the Congress's Dharmesh Saglani for some time. In the Poriem seat, which has been a Congress bastion for 45 years, the BJP's debutant Deviya Rane was leading with the highest margin of over 10,047 votes after five rounds of counting. Former CM Pratap Singh Rane's exit from these elections is likely to cost the Congress. The BJP also brought on board winnable independent candidates who were leading in two constituencies. Independents leading in at least two constituencies may lean towards the BJP.
The BJP's two deputy CM's trailed in their constituencies of Quepem and Margao. Deputy CM Manohar Ajgaonkar, a defector who joined BJP after leaving MGP in 2019, was given a ticket from Margao instead of his constituency of Pernem. In Margao, Congress's Digambar Kamat led by 5,849 votes.
The Congress was leading in 10 seats while its ally Goa Forward Party was leading in 1. It was trailing in 11 constituencies and in one constituency leading with wafer thin margins of 4 votes and another by 93. And trailed in others by small margins of 167. While the TMC trailed in three seats at 11 am, its seasoned players including Churchill Alemao were not in top two in Benaulim. It's allaince partner MGO, however, seemed in good stead, leading in five seats and trailing in one. Should the MGP decide to back the Congress, not all may be lost for the national party.
The AAP led first in just one constituency of Navelim by four votes, however, its candidate Venzy Viegas picked up a lead of 431 votes in Benaulim, a stronghold of veteran and former CM Churchill Alemao, contesting this time from the TMC. In the erstwhile constituency of TMC Rajya Sabha MP Luizinho Faleiro, with Valankar Alemao, daughter of TMC leader Churchill Alemao contesting the seat, the contest was narrowed between the AAP and the Congress.
The indigenous Revolutionary Goans led one constituency. ~ Mayura Janwalkar writes
In January 2019, when Priyanka Gandhi Vadra was appointed as the AICC general secretary in charge of Uttar Pradesh months before Lok Sabha elections, the idea was that she would connect with the people. It was said that she was a natural speaker, easygoing, charismatic, and has the potential to connect with the voters, at least the women folk, etc. She came a cropper in just four months. Her party was mauled in the general elections in the Hindi heartland state. Even Rahul Gandhi, her brother, lost.
Two years later, Vadra has proved to be ineffective again. Whatever the Congress may say today -- that the party has managed to stay in the narrative because of Vadra's aggressive women-centric campaign, and has sown the seeds to be reaped two years or five years later -- the party's disastrous performance, even going below its worst tally of 7 seats in 2017, will surely add to the arsenal of those in the party who have long believed that the Gandhi family has outlived its sell-by-date. ~ Manoj C G writes
Many, in fact, most leaders in the Congress were surprised when the leadership appointed Navjot Singh Sidhu as the state president of the Punjab Congress in July last year. Many were not surprised when the party decided to remove Captain Amarinder Singh as the Chief Minister some months later in September. The first, many thought, was a suicidal move. The second, many believed, was inevitable. But the way the Congress carried out the leadership change had raised many questions.
As the Aam Aadmi Party looks set to win big in Punjab, most Congress leaders have no qualms in admitting that the Congress has self-destructed. The central leadership could not control motormouth Sidhu even after it appointed Charanjit Singh Channi as the Chief Minister. It went to town tom-tomming the elevation of a Dalit leader as the CM, but could not capitalise on the brave move largely because of the powerful infighting. A sulking Sidhu kept on undermining the Chief Minister, who had the blessings of the leadership. Sidhu too enjoyed the confidence of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. With the two handpicked leaders pulling in different directions, most leaders had read the writing on the wall much in advance.
It was the Congress central leadership which is to be blamed for the disaster that the party is facing in the border state. ~ Manoj C G writes
Harish Rawat, arguably the tallest Congress leader in Uttarakhand, was busy dousing the fire in the Punjab Congress as AICC general secretary through the whole of second half of last year despite the fact that he was to lead the party in elections in his home state. He also kept on reminding the Congress leadership that the party should project chief ministerial faces in states to minimise the Narendra Modi factor. Of course, he was pitching for himself but the leadership did not take note.
As the Congress lags behind the ruling BJP in Uttarakhand, the strategy employed by the leadership in the hill state is set to come in for question. And don't be surprised, if Rawat himself speaks out. After all, given the state's penchant to alternate between Congress and the BJP, it was the Congress's turn to come to power this time. Ever since its formation, the state has not voted back the ruling party to power. ~ Manoj CG explains
The current trends in Uttarakhand, updated by the Election Commission, suggest that the ruling BJP has not only successfully battled the anti-incumbency factor, but has also been able to influence voters on issues such as national interest, national security, army welfare, and religious tourism.
If the current trends, which show BJP leads on 39 seats, three more than the majority required, convert into final results, then BJP will break the two-decade-old political trend in Uttarakhand and will become the first party in the state to form two consecutive governments. As of now the Congress is leading on 17 seats, while BSP and Independents each on 2 seats.
In the current elections, the BJP not only had to fight the image of not being able to provide a permanent Chief Minister, but also the aftereffects of the Covid pandemic, rising inflation and unemployment.
While the Congress party focused mainly on promises like "Char Dham Char Kaam" which included cheaper LPG cylinders, jobs, monetary help to poor families and better health facilities, BJP focused more on the face of PM Narendra Modi and on the claims of works done by the party in the last five years. ~ Avaneesh Mishra writes
The victory at the border state despite all odds, and the coming together of all other parties against the AAP in the last few days ahead of the voting, proves that Arvind Kejriwal's party has managed to earn the trust of the voters as a credible alternative to the established national parties. This includes the BJP, which, however, is continuing its victory spree in the other states.
With Delhi and Punjab in its kitty and some vote share in Goa, Kejriwal is now likely to focus on Gujarat, which is going to polls later this year. Political observers who watch AAP closely see this performance as an endorsement of Kejriwal as a prospective national leader. The current trends in Punjab indicate a further disintegration of the Congress and the leadership of the Gandhis at the national level, failing all those who looked to it as the party that can bind the opposition together against the BJP at the national level. ~ Liz Mathew explains
The outcome of the Punjab election stands out as it records several landmarks in Indian political history – for the first time a regional party is making a spectacular victory in its second, 'non-home' state in the country. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)'s emergence in Punjab with a splendid performance is going to create ripples which could lead to realignment at the national politics too.
No election result can be clearer – most of the veterans and senior leaders including Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi and Akali Dal patriarch Parkash Singh Badal are trailing. ~ Liz Mathew explains
The BJP is upbeat as the trends and results so far indicate that the Dalit support base of the Mayawati led BSP has collapsed. The BJP has managed to get a chunk of it.
The Congress, which is facing an embarrassing result in the other four states – has something to be happy about as the current trends hint that it has retained its base, no matter how thin it is. For this, the party may give credit to its general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. The results in UP could give more vigour to the clamour for her to take over as party president rather than Rahul Gandhi. ~ Liz Mathew explains
The BJP had been able to keep caste differences under the umbrella of the larger Hindu identity in the Lok Sabha elections in 2014 and 2019 elections, as well as 2017 assembly polls. The gains made by Samajwadi Party this time though, suggests cracks in this overall Hindu identity.
Akhilesh Yadav-led SP's win in more than 100 seats – from its tally of 47 in the outgoing assembly – seems to be proving that it has managed to expand its base from Muslims-Yadav communities to non-Yadav OBC groups. As it showed on the ground, communities like the Mauryas, Sainis, Kushwahas and Rajbhars appear to have broken away and supported Akhilesh. ~ Liz Mathew explains
The trends in Uttar Pradesh – BJP 249, SP 109, BSP 8, Congress 8 at 10.20 am – indicate that Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is going to create history by becoming the first chief minister to return to power after serving a full five-year term in the political history of India's most populous state. This shows the voters have appreciated the delivery of the welfare schemes and the law and order record of his government. ~ Liz Mathew reports
In Goa, here are the trends in prominent constituencies:
Early trends show the BJP leading in majority seats in Uttar Pardesh. This indicates that the Samajwadi Party’s poll promise of restoring “old pension” did not impress government employees. SP was hoping its promise will help acquire the votes of the employees of the government sector. Early trends are drawn from the postal ballots that are counted before EVMs. These ballots are mostly used by government employees who are deployed in the election process, and those serving in defence forces. ~ Lalmani Verma reports
The initial trends appear to suggest that it will be a clean sweep for the AAP in Punjab. From the clamour for change to the 'Delhi model', here are the five reasons why it’s leaping ahead of the two traditional parties – the Congress and Shiromani Akali Dal – who have ruled the state for the last seven decades. Manraj Grewal Sharma explains
The benchmark equity indices opened around 2 per cent higher amid strong global cues. Market participants are eyeing the outcome of the Assembly elections in five states, including Uttar Pradesh. At 10.00 am, the S&P BSE Sensex was at 55,889, up 1,241 points (2.27 per cent) while the Nifty 50 was up 366 points (2.24 per cent) at 16,711. Follow live market updates here
Following the first round of voting, BJP is leading in all three seats of Gautam Buddh Nagar. In Noida seat, which is a mix of urban and rural population, BJP's Pankaj Singh, son of Union Minister Rajnath Singh, is leading with nearly 3,000 votes ahead of SP's Sunil Chaudhary. Congress candidate Pankhuri Pathak is currently in third position.
In Dadri, BJP's Tejpal Singh Nagar is leading with more than 7,000 votes. This is the same constituency where protests were held by the Gurjar community against Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath for allegedly insulting Mihir Bhoj.
BJP's Dhirendra Singh Thakur leads with a slender margin of 1,000 votes in Jewar. Last year, both the PM and CM visited Jewar to lay the foundation stone of Jewar Airport due to be functional in 2024. The airport has been a cornerstone for BJP's development narrative in West UP. ~ Amil Bhatnagar reports
In early trends, based on postal ballot votes, the BJP leads in Uttar Pradesh with the Samajwadi Party a distance second; the AAP leads in Punjab; and the BJP and Congress are in a close fight in Uttarakhand and Manipur. In Goa, the BJP is ahead, while the Congress trails. There are, however, early trends, and could change through the day.
The 403-Assembly seat Uttar Pradesh is broadly categorised politically and culturally into four regions — Pashchim, Central, Bundelkhand and Purvanchal.
Pashchim, also referred as “Harit Pradesh”, comprises 26 districts and 136 constituencies. In 2017, the BJP won 110, while SP won 20, BSP 3, Congress 2 and RLD 1. The region is known for its “ganna (sugarcane) belt”. Bundelkhand has 7 districts and 19 constituencies, all won by BJP in 2017. However, the SP as well as BSP and Congress fancy their chances here. In Central Uttar Pradesh, there are 14 districts and 85 constituencies. In 2017, the BJP had won 71 seats, SP 9, BSP 2 and Congress 3. The heart of UP holds not just the state capital but also the Gandhi and Yadav family bastions. Purvanchal, which has 28 districts and 164 seats, was once considered the stronghold of the SP. However, the BJP took most of the seats in 2017. Maulshree Seth reports
In the 117-member Assembly, 69 seats are in the Malwa region, 25 in Majha and 23 in Doaba. In 2017, the Congress 77 seats, while the AAP bagged 20 and the SAD-BJP combine 15. The Congress later won three by polls, taking its tally to 80.
This time around, the Congress has projected Charanjit Singh Channi as its CM face, while Bhagwat Mann is the CM candidate for the AAP. The BJP has tied up with Amarinder Singh’s Punjab Lok Congress and Sanyukt Akali Dal, founded by former Akali heavyweight SS Dhindsa.
A total of 1,304 candidates are in the fray.
Good morning and welcome to our live blog. Today, as trends emerge for the Assembly elections to five states — Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa, we will give you a real-time analysis and explanation of the results. Stay tuned!