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Journalism of Courage
Politics in India has long been shaped by the intricate interplay of caste and religion, and Uttarakhand, with its history of political flux and alternating governments, is no different.
From the outset, the demand for the Uttarakhand statehood was fuelled by aspirations for development and regional identity. However, the anti-reservation agitation of 1994 in the hill region dominated by the upper castes added momentum to this long-standing demand, which eventually led to the carving out of the state of Uttarakhand from Uttar Pradesh in 2000.
Since Uttarakhand state came into existence, caste has wielded significant influence, not only in determining access to resources but also in shaping the electoral landscape of the state. It is palpable as all five Lok Sabha seats of the state go to the polls in the first phase on April 19.
Brahmins, Thakurs
Uttarakhand’s social and political structure tilts significantly towards some upper caste groups, with Brahmins and Thakurs constituting two of the largest voting blocs. Thakurs account for nearly 35% of the state’s population, closely followed by Brahmins at about 25%.
The numerical dominance of these castes translates into a delicate balance of power in leadership positions in the state. Since 2000, both the BJP and the Congress have consistently nominated either a Thakur or a Brahmin leader for the CM’s post. Several faultlines exist with each playing a crucial role in defining the state politics. These faultlines, entrenched in historical, cultural, and geographical contexts, underscore the intricate dynamics at play within Uttarakhand’s electoral arena.
The state has seen the age-old divide between the Brahmin and Thakur communities. Historically, these two upper caste groups have vied for power and influence, with each wielding significant sway over different regions of the state. Brahmins, who are traditionally engaged in priestly roles, often dominate the hills of Kumaon, while Thakurs, known for their martial heritage, hold considerable influence in the plains of Garhwal. This divide has not only shaped the social fabric of Uttarakhand but has also reverberated in its political corridors.
The state has had a considerable share of the Brahmin and Thakur leaders. Among the tallest Brahmin leaders is two-time CM B C Khanduri of the BJP. He was often referred to as the “CM of Garhwal” as he hails from the region.
Other prominent Brahmin leaders from the state include former Congress CM Vijay Bahuguna and ex-Union minister Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank of the BJP.
Among the Thakur leaders, the BJP’s incumbent CM Pushkar Singh Dhami is one of the prominent faces. Other senior Thakur leaders include former CMs Trivendra Singh Rawat and Bhagat Singh Koshyari of the BJP and Harish Rawat of the Congress, and state minister Satpal Maharaj of the BJP.
Interestingly, despite these leaders holding considerable sway with voters of their respective communities, both the BJP and Congress also try to focus on broader electoral issues that resonate with the diverse electorate of the state in the polls.
Dalits, Muslims
The Dalit community in the state also has the potential to determine the electoral outcomes. However, their influence is limited mainly to the Haridwar region and parts of Udham Singh Nagar. Making up nearly 19% of the state’s population, Dalits, who are predominantly artisans, craftsmen and marginal farmers, are divided into three main sub-castes – Koltas, Doms, and Bajgi or Lohars (blacksmiths). The community has historically grappled with socio-economic exclusion and political marginalisation despite being entitled to benefits of reservation.
In Uttarakhand’s formative years, the Dalit and non-upper caste communities largely rallied behind the BSP and other regional parties like the Uttarakhand Kranti Dal (UKD). However, over the last few years, the BJP has been successful in consolidating Dalit votes (mainly Jatavs) in their favour. Muslims, which make up almost 13% of the state’s population, have traditionally been with the Congress. The Muslim community has influence in some pockets of Haridwar, Dehradun, Nainital (Haldwani) and Udham Singh Nagar. A section of Muslims in Uttarakhand has migrated from parts of Western Uttar Pradesh in search of employment.
Regional divides
One faultline in the hill state is also centred on the divide between the regions of Kumaon and Garhwal. Historically distinct in terms of culture, dialect, and socio-economic patterns, Kumaon and Garhwal have often harboured different aspirations. While Kumaon is characterised by its valleys, distinct folklore, and agricultural practices, Garhwal boasts rugged terrain, religious traditions, and a sense of martial valour.
Six of the state’s 13 districts and 29 of the 70 Assembly seats fall under the Kumaon region while Garhwal encompasses seven districts and 41 Assembly segments. In terms of the Lok Sabha elections, the regional lines are often blurred and thus the divide assumes lesser significance.
Another divide is between the hills and plains cutting across the Kumaon and Garhwal regions that cannot be ignored by parties. While the hills, characterised by their difficult terrains and sparse population, face challenges related to infrastructure, connectivity, and livelihood opportunities, the plains boast of relatively better access to resources, economic opportunities, and urban amenities.
This dichotomy often fuels sentiments of neglect and marginalisation among hill communities, who perceive themselves as being sidelined in the process of development. The issue of equitable development and resource allocation between the hills and plains is likely to feature prominently in the state’s political discourse, as candidates seek to address the grievances and aspirations of constituents from both sides.
