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UPSC Essentials | Weekly news express with MCQs: Republic Day, India-Egypt ties, Padma Awards, and more

The Indian Express’ UPSC weekly news express covers some of the important and burning topics of current affairs news from this week to help you prepare for UPSC-CSE. Try out the MCQs and check your answers provided towards the end of the article.

upsc, upsc essentials, weekly news express, upsc current affairs, upsc prelims 2023, upsc mains 2023, sarkari naukri, government jobsPrime Minister Narendra Modi with Egypt President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi at the Republic Day parade. Praveen Khanna

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The Indian Express’ UPSC weekly news express covers some of the important and burning topics of current affairs news from this week to help you prepare for UPSC-CSE. Try out the MCQs and check your answers provided towards the end of the article.

Republic Day 2023 and India-Egypt ties

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Indian Polity and Governance

Main Examination: General Studies II: Indian Constitution—historical underpinnings, evolution, features, amendments, significant provisions and basic structure.

Why in news?

India marked its 74th Republic Day on January 26. The Republic Day celebrations were held on the revamped Central Vista avenue – the first after Rajpath was renamed Kartavya Path last year.

“Aatmarnirbharta” (self-reliance) and “Nari Shakti” (women power) were the two themes on display at the Republic Day parade on Thursday — by many of the marching contingents as well as the different tableaux.

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The Indian military showcased only indigenous equipment and weapon systems to drive home the message of self-reliance in defence. The Army’s British-era 25-pounder guns — which traditionally offered the symbolic 21-gun salute — were replaced by the indigenous 105-mm Indian Field Guns (IFG) this year.

Despite the fog and reduced visibility, a 50-aircraft grand air show was put up by the Indian Air Force (IAF) for President Droupadi Murmu, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and others at the parade. It included 23 fighter aircraft, 18 helicopters, and eight transport aircraft alongside a Dakota aircraft.

With Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi as the chief guest, a combined band and marching contingent of the Egyptian Armed Forces also participated.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Arjun Sengupta Explains:

Why was January 26 chosen to be India’s Republic Day?

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From 1930 till India finally won its independence in 1947, January 26 was celebrated as “Independence Day” or “Poorna Swaraj Day” with Indians reaffirming their commitment towards sovereignty on that day.

However, India won independence from the British on August 15, exactly two years after the Japanese surrendered to the Allies to end World War II. As historian Ramchandra Guha wrote, “freedom finally came on a day that resonated with imperial pride rather than nationalist sentiment.”

Thus, when leaders had to decide on a day to promulgate India’s new constitution, January 26 was thought to be ideal. Not only did this date already hold nationalist significance, the Constitution in many ways reflected the “Poorna Swaraj” declaration of two decades back.

Since 1950, January 26 has marked the day India’s Constitution came into effect. However, the Constitution was prepared way before the chosen date, adopted officially by the Constituent Assembly on November 26, 1949. Why do we celebrate our Republic Day on January 26, then? The answer lies in the history of the Indian freedom struggle during which the date held significance since 1930.

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On January 26,1930, the historic “Poorna Swaraj” declaration was officially promulgated, beginning the final phase of India’s freedom struggle where the goal would be complete independence from British rule.

Republic Day: The context of the 1920s

The Non Cooperation Movement ended unceremoniously in February 1922 after the Chauri Chaura incident. Mahatma Gandhi, at the time, felt that the country was “not yet ready” for his non-violent methods of protest. Thus, the 1920s did not see further mobilisation at the scale that was seen during the Non Cooperation Movement and the anti-Rowlatt Satyagraha.

The 1920s however were far from insignificant. From the rise of revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh and Chandrashekhar Azad to the coming of age of a new generation of Indian National Congress (INC) leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhash Chandra Bose, Vallabhai Patel and C Rajagopalachari, the 1920s laid the ground for the future course of India’s freedom struggle.

Notably, in 1927, British Authorities appointed the Simon Commission – a seven-man, all European team under Sir John Simon – to deliberate on political reforms in India. This sent a wave of outrage and discontentment across the country. For the first time since 1922, protests against the Simon Commission spread nationwide, with chants of “Simon Go Back” echoing across the country.

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In response, the INC appointed its own commission under Motilal Nehru. The Nehru Report demanded that India be granted dominion status within the Empire. In the Balfour Declaration of 1926, dominions were defined as “autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations.” In 1926, countries like Canada, Australia and New Zealand were granted dominion status.

Dominion or Republic?

Crucially, even within the Congress, the Nehru Report did not enjoy universal support. Young leaders such as Bose and Jawaharlal Nehru, Motilal’s own son, wanted India to break all ties with the British Empire. They argued that under dominion status, while India would enjoy a certain level of autonomy, the British Parliament and Crown would still have the ability to meddle in Indian affairs.

Importantly, for both Bose and Nehru, attaining dominion status would make India party to colonial exploitation elsewhere in the British Empire, mainly Africa. With a far more radical worldview than their predecessors, Bose and Nehru looked at anti-colonialism not only as a local political issue for India but in a more global lens.

However, Gandhi was still very much for dominion status, arguing that it would be a welcome step in India’s anti-colonial struggle. His views would soon change.

Viceroy Irwin goes back on his word

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In 1929, Viceroy Irwin had vaguely announced that India would be granted dominion status in the future. Known as the Irwin Declaration, it was warmly welcomed by Indians but faced massive backlash back in Britain.

The British population was still pro-Empire and India was seen as the Empire’s Crown Jewel. Importantly, as the world economy went into a recession, India was arguably Britain’s most valuable colony with its vast land, resources, and population crucial for its economy.

Thus, under pressure from back home, Irwin went back on his word. In a meeting with Gandhi, Muslim League’s Muhhammad Ali Jinnah and a few other leaders, he said that he could not promise India dominion status any time soon.

This would be a turning point as the Congress grew increasingly united on the issue. With the British unable to follow through on even reasonable reforms, Indians supported increasingly “radical” goals – a fully independent republic being one of the first.

Declaration of Poorna Swaraj

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The Lahore Session of the INC convened in December 1929. On December 19, the historic “Poorna Swaraj” resolution was passed in the session. Literally meaning “total self-rule/sovereignty,” the resolution read, “The British government in India has not only deprived the Indian people of their freedom but has based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India economically, politically, culturally and spiritually…. Therefore…India must sever the British connection and attain Poorna Swaraj or complete independence.”

This declaration of Independence was officially promulgated on January 26, 1930. The Congress urged Indians to come out and celebrate “independence” on that day. The Indian tricolour was hoisted across the country by Congress party workers and patriotic songs were sung as the country reconfigured its strategy for Independence. The resolution also contained in it an affirmation to the Gandhian methods of nonviolent protest, which would start almost immediately after Poorna Swaraj Day was celebrated.

THIS YEAR’S REPUBLIC DAY

Sisi was the Chief Guest at this year’s Republic Day: Significance and India-Egypt ties

Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, the chief guest for the Republic Day celebrations this year, landed in India on Tuesday (January 24). This is the first time that an Egyptian President has been invited as chief guest for the event.

What is the significance of a Republic Day invite?

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An invitation to be the Republic Day chief guest is highly symbolic from the Indian government’s perspective. New Delhi has been weaving strategy with hospitality to decide its chief guest for the Republic Day. The choice of chief guest every year is dictated by a number of reasons — strategic and diplomatic, business interests, and international geo-politics.

What is the history of India-Egypt relations?

India and Egypt share close political understanding based on a long history of cooperation in bilateral, regional and global issues. The joint announcement of the establishment of diplomatic relations at the Ambassadorial level was made on August 18, 1947.

India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Egypt’s President Gamal Abdel Nasser signed the Friendship Treaty between the two countries, and they were key to forming the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) along with Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito

Since the 1980s, there have been four Prime Ministerial visits from India to Egypt: Rajiv Gandhi (1985); P V Narasimha Rao (1995); IK Gujral (1997); and Dr. Manmohan Singh (2009, NAM Summit). From the Egyptian side, President Hosni Mubarak visited India in 1982, in 1983 (NAM Summit), and again in 2008.

High-level exchanges with Egypt continued after the 2011 Egyptian Revolution and then President Mohamed Morsi visited India in March 2013. India’s External Affairs Minister (EAM) visited Cairo in March 2012 and the Egyptian Foreign Minister visited India in December 2013.

After the new government led by President Sisi took over in June 2014, then EAM Sushma Swaraj visited Cairo in August 2015. PM Modi met President Sisi on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), New York, in September 2015. President Pranab Mukherjee and PM Modi met Sisi during the Third India-Africa Forum Summit in New Delhi in October 2015.

President Sisi also paid a State visit to India in September 2016. A joint statement was issued, outlining the three pillars of political-security cooperation, economic engagement & scientific collaboration and cultural & people-people ties as the basis of a new partnership for a new era.

What were the recent engagements?

PM Modi held a phone conversation with Sisi on April 17, 2020 to discuss efforts to halt the spread of the coronavirus, and again on April 26, 2020 to exchange Eid-ul-Fitr greetings. The PM expressed appreciation for the support extended by Egyptian authorities for the safety and welfare of Indian nationals in Egypt during the Covid crisis.

President Sisi expressed sympathy and solidarity with India during the second wave of Covid-19, on April 30, 2021. Egypt dispatched three planes with medical supplies to India on May 9, 2021. In addition, the Embassy of India also signed an agreement to procure 300,000 doses of REMDESEVIR from M/s EVA Pharma, Egypt, which were provided well before schedule.

What’s the state of bilateral trade relations?

Egypt has traditionally been one of India’s most important trading partners in the African continent. The India-Egypt bilateral trade agreement has been in operation since March 1978 and is based on the most-favoured nation clause.

The bilateral trade has increased more than five times in the past 10 years. In 2018-19, it reached USD 4.55 billion. Despite the pandemic, trade volume declined only marginally to USD 4.5 billion in 2019-20 and to USD 4.15 billion in 2020-21. Bilateral trade has expanded rapidly in 21-22 — climbing to 7.26 billion, a 75 per cent increase from FY 2020-2021.

What are the other areas of cooperation?

Officials said that the two countries will be looking at a range of sectors, and agriculture will be one of the key areas of cooperation.

Egypt, which is facing a shortage of food grains as its major sources were the warring Ukraine and Russia, wants to buy wheat from India. In May last year, India — which had put a ban on sale of wheat — allowed export of 61,000 tonnes to Egypt. But the country wants more grains, in view of the shortages.

Egypt’s President is also coming at a time when the country is facing a massive economic crisis due to depleted forex reserves. While there has been no request for budgetary support, India is looking at increasing investments in the country, especially in major infrastructure projects in and around the Suez Canal, in terms of special economic zones in Alexandria and Cairo. Egypt is also keen to push for more tourism from India, and ease the movement of people so that there is more forex inflow into their tourism-dependent economy.

With Sisi being a former Army chief, Egypt is interested in procuring defence equipment from India, which includes LCA Tejas, missiles like Akash, DRDO’s Smart Anti-Airfield Weapon, and radars. This is being developed as part of defence industry cooperation, and one of the markers was that Defence minister Rajnath Singh visited Cairo last year when a defence pact was signed. Egypt has also been invited to participate in the Aero-India 2023 at Yelahanka Air Force Station, Bengaluru, next month.

A military contingent from the Egyptian Army will participate in the Republic Day parade. The two countries will also look at the education sector, where Indian higher educational institutions can set up campuses in Egypt: a proposal for establishing an IIT in Egypt is in the works.

(Sources: Why was January 26 chosen to be India’s Republic Day?, Egypt’s President El-Sisi in New Delhi for Republic Day: Significance of his visit, and India’s ties with Egypt)

Point to ponder: Comment on the India-Egypt ties.

1. MCQ

The 1929 Session of Indian, National Congress is of significance in the history of the Freedom Movement because  the (2014)

(a) attainment of Self-Government was declared as the objective of the Congress

(b) attainment of Poorna Swaraj Was adopted as the goal of the Congress

(c) Non-Cooperation Movement was launched

(d) decision to participate in the Round Table Conference in London was taken

Padma Awards

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Indian Polity and Governance

Main Examination: General Studies II

Why in news?

On January 25, the government announced the Padma awards.

Former Uttar Pradesh CM Mulayam Singh Yadav (Posthumous), ex-Karnataka Chief Minister SM Krishna, Architect Balkrishna Doshi (Posthumous), Shri Srinivas Vardhan ( Science and Technology), Oral Rehydration Solution (ORS) icon Dilip Mahalanabis, Zakir Hussain (Art) are among the prominent names who will be conferred with the Padma Vibhushan.

The Padma Awards are India’s highest civilian honours after the Bharat Ratna, seeking to “recognize achievements in all fields of activities or disciplines where an element of public service is involved,” the Padma Awards website said.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

The history of Padma Awards

Two awards, the Bharat Ratna and Padma Vibhushan were first instituted in 1954 as India’s highest civilian honours. The latter had three classes: Pahela Varg (1st Class), Dusra Varg (Second Class) and Tisra Varg (Third Class). In 1955, these were subsequently named as Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri respectively.

While the Bharat Ratna is treated as an exceptional award with only 45 Bharat Ratnas being handed over till date, the Padma Awards are annually conferred to deserving civilians. Except for interruptions in 1978, 1979 and between 1993 and 1997, every year the names of the recipients are announced on Republic Day eve.

Typically, not more than 120 awards are given in a year, but this does not include posthumous awards or awards given to NRIs and foreigners. While the award is normally not conferred posthumously, the Government can consider posthumous felicitation in exceptional circumstances.

The first ever Padma Vibhushan awardees in 1954 were scientist Satyendra Nath Bose, artist Nandalal Bose, educationist and politician Zakir Hussain, social worker and politician Balasaheb Gangadhar Kher, and diplomat and academic V.K. Krishna Menon. The first ever non-Indian Padma Vibhushan awardee was Bhutanese king Jigme Dorji Wangchuk, who also received the award in 1954.

What the Padma Awards entail

The awards are presented by the President of India, typically at the Rashtrapati Bhavan.

The awardees do not get any cash reward but a certificate signed by the President apart from a medallion which they can wear at public and government functions. The awards are, however, not a conferment of title and the awardees are expected to not use them as prefix or suffix to their names.

While a Padma awardee can be given a higher award (i.e. a Padma Shri awardee can receive a Padma Bhushan or Vibhushan), this can only happen after five years of the conferment of the previous award.

The awards are given in certain select categories which include Art, Social Work, Public Affairs, Science & Engineering, Trade & Industry, Medicine, Literature & Education, Civil Service and Sports. Awards are also given for propagation of Indian culture, protection of human rights, wildlife protection among others.

The eligibility for Padma Awards

All persons without distinction of race, occupation, position or sex are eligible for these awards. However, government servants including those working with PSUs, except doctors and scientists, are not eligible for these awards.

The award seeks to recognise works of distinction and is given for distinguished and exceptional achievements or service in all fields of activities and disciplines.

According to Padma awards selection criteria, the award is given for “special services” and not just for “long service”. “It should not be merely excellence in a particular field, but the criteria has to be ‘excellence plus’.

The process of selection for Padma Awards

Any citizen of India can nominate a potential recipient. One can even nominate one’s own self. All nominations are to be done online where a form is to be filled along with details of the person or the organisation being nominated. An 800-word essay detailing the work done by the potential awardee is also to be submitted for the nomination to be considered.

The government opens the Padma awards portal for nominations between May 1 and September 15 every year. It also writes to various state governments, governors, Union territories, central ministries and various departments to send nominations.

There is also no rigid criteria or trenchant formula for selection, according to MHA. However, the lifetime achievement of an individual is among the main considerations.

All nominations received for Padma awards are placed before the Padma Awards Committee, which is constituted by the Prime Minister every year. The Padma Awards Committee is headed by the Cabinet Secretary and includes Home Secretary, Secretary to the President and four to six eminent persons as members. The recommendations of the committee are submitted to the Prime Minister and the President of India for approval.

Sources told The Indian Express in 2022 that once a preliminary selection is made, the antecedents of the selected awardees are verified using the services of central agencies to ensure nothing untoward has been reported or come on record about them. A final list is then prepared and announced.

Can the Padma Awards be refused?

While explicit consent is not sought from the awardee, before the final list is announced, they receive a call from the MHA. If they do not seek to receive the award, they can refuse at that time and their names will be removed without any noise. However, historically, there have been a few instances of more public refusals.

For instance, historian Romila Thapar refused to accept the Padma Bhushan twice, in 1992, and later again in 2005, stating that she would accept awards only “from academic institutions or those associated with my professional work.”

Former Kerala Chief Minister and doyen of India’s communist movement E.M.S. Namboodripad declined the award in 1992, as it went against his nature to accept a state honour.

Swami Ranganathananda declined the award in 2000 as it was conferred to him as an individual and not to the Ramakrishna Mission, his institution.

There have also been a few instances when the award has been “returned.” Recently, former Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal returned his Padma Vibhushan in 2020, in the wake of the raging farmers’ protests in the state.

Annulment of Padma Awards

While extremely rare, the President of India can annul/cancel someone’s Padma award in case of any egregious misconduct committed by the recipient. Recently, this issue came up when medal-winning wrestler and Padma Shri awardee Sushil Kumar was implicated in a case of murder.

( Source: Padma Awards 2023 announced: History of the awards, how the winners are chosen)

Point to ponder: Padma Award has emerged as People’s Award. Do you agree?

2. MCQ:

With reference to Padma Awards, consider the following statements:

1. The Padma Awards Committee is headed by the Home Secretary.

2. President of India can annul/cancel someone’s Padma award.

Which of the above statements are correct?

(a) Only 1

(b) Only 2

(c) Both 1 and 2

(d) Neither 1 nor 2

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s visit to Sri Lanka

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance.

Main Examination: General Studies II: India and its Neighbourhood- Relations.

Why in news?

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s visit to Sri Lanka, after his visit to the Maldives, conveyed 1) glad tidings, 2) a much delayed invitation, and 3) two strong messages on India’s expectations of its nearest Indian Ocean neighbour. Taken together, the three provide an understanding of how Delhi views its relations with Colombo.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Nirupama Subramanian Explains

The good news

Jaishankar’s January 20 visit came a day after India had conveyed to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that India strongly supports Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring plan. New Delhi is the first bilateral creditor to do so. Sri Lanka has sought similar reassurances from China and other creditors as well.

“As soon as adequate assurances are obtained and remaining requirements are met…a Fund-supported program for Sri Lanka can be presented to the IMF’s Executive Board for approval that would unlock much needed financing,” the IMF said in a statement on Monday.

Fund Facility of $ 2.9 billion to tide over its economic crisis, but as a precondition, Colombo’s bilateral creditors must provide financing assurances on debt sustainability. China, Japan, and India are Sri Lanka’s main bilateral creditors.

The creditors’ main concern is that the restructuring plan must treat all creditors equally. India and China did not accept the invitation of the Paris Club — a group of 22 OECD nations of which Japan is part — to join the platform. India and Japan have been in bilateral discussions with Sri Lanka; China is yet to say clearly what it wants.

Jaishankar said in Colombo that in going to the IMF first, India “did not wait on others and decided to do what we believe is right”, acting on its Neighbourhood First principle. He hoped other bilateral creditors would follow suit. He did not mention any other country, but said India expected that its first move would not only help Sri Lanka consolidate its position, but that all creditors would would be treated equally.

The Sri Lankans were appreciative of last year’s $ 4 billion bailout from New Delhi; they would now be even more acutely aware that not only did Beijing not pitch in last year, its seeming reluctance to give the assurance the IMF requires, could derail any recovery plan.

Of the total bilateral debt, China’s share is 52 per cent, Japan’s 19.5 per cent, and India’s 12 per cent.

The invitation

New Sri Lankan Presidents have traditionally made their first foreign visit to New Delhi, within weeks if not days of taking charge. In 2019, India reversed the tradition: Jaishankar flew to Colombo to greet Gotabaya Rajapaksa on his election as President, and invited him to visit New Delhi. But after Ranil Wickremesinghe replaced Rajapaksa — the bulk of his support in the parliamentary vote came from the Rajapaksas’ Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna — India reacted cautiously.

The first response was from the Indian High Commission in Colombo, assuring India’s support to “the people” in their quest for economic recovery “through democratic means and values, established democratic institutions and constitutional framework”. Prime Minister Narendra Modi sent his congratulatory message only after a week, again mentioning India’s support to the people of Sri Lanka.

President Wickremesinghe’s first two visits abroad were to Japan and the UK, for the funerals of Minister Shinzo Abe and Queen Elizabeth respectively.

This is the first time since at least the 1990s that it has taken so long for New Delhi to invite a new Sri Lankan President. Wickremesinghe will “visit India at an early date to discuss how our partnership can facilitate Sri Lanka’s strong recovery”.

The messages

Since end-2020, when Sri Lanka’s then finance minister Basil Rajapaksa arrived in India to seek help to tide over the crisis that was rapidly building up at the time, India has been clear that its cooperation would rest on the “four pillars” of energy security, food security, currency support for foreign exchange, and Indian investment in Sri Lanka.

Over the last year, India has managed to push both long pending projects such as the Trinco oil tank farm, as well as new ones such as the Adani investment in wind farms in north-western Sri Lanka. The Adani Group is also developing the west container terminal at Colombo port. But rumblings continue in Colombo at the apparent quid pro quo in these deals.

Jaishankar’s first blunt message was that financial assistance is a quick-fix that cannot on its own put Sri Lanka on the path of economic recovery. India was ready to help with the investment it needs, but Colombo must create the right environment. India, Jaishankar made it clear, was interested in the energy, tourism, and infrastructure sectors.

“We count on the government of Sri Lanka to create a business friendly environment to create a pull factor. I am confident that the gravity of the situation is realised by policy makers here,” he said.

Sri Lanka’s renewable energy potential is said to be much more than it can consume. Selling the surplus to India by connecting to an Indian grid through undersea cables is projected as a sustainable source of revenue. Also, the oil storage capacity in Trincomalee could be utilised to provide energy security both to Sri Lanka and the region.

Jaishankar announced that the two countries had “agreed in principle on a renewable energy framework that would take this co-operation forward”.

The second message is one that India has sent loudly and emphatically over the past few months — asking the Sri Lankan government to implement the 13th amendment in its constitution.

The amendment, which provides for elected provincial councils, was introduced at India’s intervention in 1987. It is the only concession in the constitution on the Tamil demand for devolution.

The amendment — opposed tooth and nail by Sinhala-Buddhist nationalists both then and now — was intended to create a provincial council in Sri Lanka’s Tamil north-east. As it could not be an exceptional provision, the whole country was carved into provinces for the first time.

The first provincial council in the north-east, in 1989-90, was short-lived. The next elections to the northern and eastern provincial councils (the region had been separated into two by then) were held only in 2013, four years after the civil war ended. That was also the last time Sri Lanka conducted provincial council elections.

Jaishankar, who met leaders of the Tamil National Alliance, said the “full implementation of the 13th amendment” and early provincial council elections were “critical” for Sri Lanka’s political stability. During the Rajapaksa regime, there was talk of removing it from the constitution. On the other hand, sections of the Tamil political leadership have spoken about Tamil aspirations having moved beyond this provision, and the need for a “13th Amendment Plus”. Jaishankar’s message seemed intended for them too.

( Source: External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s visit to Sri Lanka: Key takeaways by  Nirupama Subramanian)

Point to ponder: Chinese presence threatens the equilibrium in India-Sri Lanka relations. Discuss.

3. MCQ:

Elephant Pass, sometimes seen in the news, is mentioned in the context of the affairs of which one of the following? (2009)

(a) Bangladesh

(b) India

(c) Nepal

(d) Sri Lanka

Kerala’s man-elephant conflict

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance.

Main Examination: General Studies III: Environment and Ecology.

Why in news?

On Sunday, the Kerala forest department captured a rogue tusker that had been raiding villages in Palakkad district for over a year. Another had been sedated on January 9; this one had attacked a person in Sulthan Bathery in Wayanad. And demands are getting louder for capturing an elephant that has responded to overenthusiastic tourists in Munnar by thwacking a few vehicles since December.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Jay Mazoomdaar Explains:

Kerala not the worst

Yet, the magnitude of Kerala’s human-elephant conflict — projected as acute enough to trigger even political agitations — is not commensurate with the state’s relative abundance of wild jumbos.

Of the estimated nationwide population of 30,000 wild elephants in 2017, Kerala had about 5,700, or 19%. Between 2018-19 and 2021-22, elephants killed 2,036 people in India, data collected by the central government show. Kerala accounted for only 81 (4%) of these deaths. (Field data add up to 92 deaths.)

Clearly, the conflict in Kerala is not comparable to the situation in, say, North Bengal or Odisha, where smaller jumbo populations are blamed for much bigger human casualties.

But Kerala has seen a relative spike in the conflict in recent years. In 2021-22, the number of human deaths scaled a new high of 35.

Managing perception

Assessment of Kerala’s jumbo conflict depends on who one asks — the tribal populations of the Western Ghats, or the settlers who came there from the central and southern parts of the state.

“Kerala has a history of settler-agriculture since pre-Independence days, and state policy continues to allow such migration. The tribal and the elephant are seldom in conflict, but their ways are alien to the settler who must outcompete both to gain control of the land. Their (settlers’) panic at the so-called conflict is often just optics,” said a sociologist who has worked in the Wayanad hills.

In places like Munnar, conflict tourism has become popular.

“An elephant on the road is neither an imminent threat nor an idle curiosity. All one needs to do is keep calm and allow it space. But people blow horns impatiently and try to drive the animal away. Tourists crowd around, and even approach (the elephant) on foot for selfies. The moment the animal decides it has had enough, it becomes a ‘marauder’ or a ‘terror’ in the media,” veteran wildlife crime investigator Jose Louise said.

Experts underline that simply altering how people perceive elephants can make their interaction a lot safer. However, they agree that on rare occasions, elephants can go rogue, with or without provocation.

Big boys on the loose

As a fraction of all encounters with elephants, the chances of coming across a rogue animal increase with the number of bull elephants roaming outside the forest. That number is on the rise in Kerala.

Elephants have traditionally preferred Kerala’s moisture-rich forests, where they move in from adjoining Tamil Nadu, particularly during the summer months. In recent years, this concentration of wild elephant populations in Kerala has exhibited a significant number of young bulls.

“Over the last two decades, the sex ratio in southern elephant populations, particularly those north of the Palghat gap, has recovered from the onslaught of ivory poachers who ruled these forests and selectively took out tuskers in the 1980s and ’90s,” ecologist Raman Sukumar, who has been working on Asian elephants since the late 1970s, pointed out.

In the matriarchal elephant society, bulls leave the natal herd after the onset of puberty between the ages of 14 and 16 years, and join what are known as boys’ groups to explore new foraging areas under the tutelage of older bulls. Many of them must step out of Kerala’s elephant forests — which are getting increasingly infested by exotic invasive weeds such as Lantana and Senna, leading to a loss of natural forest feed, especially in the swamp areas.

Saving a success story

Elephants are far-ranging animals. Most often, fragmentation of habitats and corridors due to legal and illegal changes in land use — clearances for mining, or encroachment for agriculture — squeeze the jumbos and fuel conflict. In Kerala, fortunately, the frontiers between the wilderness and civilisation have remained largely unaltered in recent years.

Changes in agricultural practices in cropland adjoining forests also lure herbivores, including elephants, into conflict. But while elephants do target paddy, banana or tapioca in Kerala’s villages, they have little interest in coffee, pepper or tea — the dominant crops in the plantations.

These factors have contributed to the success of elephant conservation in Kerala and helped limit conflict, otherwise an inevitable cost of such success. Significantly, Kerala recorded only 14 of the 251 elephants (5.6%) that India lost to electrocution and poaching between 2018-19 and 2020-21.

Proactive perception management and stricter enforcement by the state can ease the pressure on jumbos. Also, say experts, a pragmatic policy for problem elephants needs to recognise that zoos and temples are no place for these magnificent animals — and packing them into rescue centres is an untenable drain on resources in the long run. They are best absorbed in forest workforces for patrolling and conflict management.

(Source:Understanding Kerala’s man-elephant conflict)

Point to ponder: Mitigating human-wildlife conflict must factor in incentives for local communities. Discuss.

4. MCQ:

In which of the following States is lion-tailed macaque found in its natural habitat?(2013)

1. Tamil Nadu

2. Kerala

3. Karnataka

4. Andhra Pradesh

Select the correct answer using the codes given below.

(a) 1, 2 and 3 only

(b) 2 only

(c) 1, 3 and 4 only

(d) 1, 2, 3 and 4

ANSWERS TO MCQs: 1 (b), 2 (b), 3 (d), 4 (a)

Share your views, answers and suggestions in the comment box or at manas.srivastava@indianexpress.com

Manas Srivastava leads the UPSC Essentials section of The Indian Express (digital). He majorly writes on UPSC, other competitive exams and education-related projects. In the past, Manas has represented India at the G-20 Youth Summit in Mexico. He is a former member of the Youth Council, GOI. A two-time topper/gold medallist in History (both in graduation and post-graduation) from Delhi University, he has mentored and taught UPSC aspirants for more than five years. His diverse role in The Indian Express consists of writing, editing, anchoring/ hosting, interviewing experts, and curating and simplifying news for the benefit of students. He hosts the YouTube talk show called ‘Art and Culture with Devdutt Pattanaik’ and a LIVE series on Instagram and YouTube called ‘LIVE with Manas’.His talks on ‘How to read a newspaper’ focus on newspaper reading as an essential habit for students. His articles and videos aim at finding solutions to the general queries of students and hence he believes in being students' editor, preparing them not just for any exam but helping them to become informed citizens. This is where he makes his teaching profession meet journalism. He is also the editor of UPSC Essentials' monthly magazine for the aspirants. He is a recipient of the Dip Chand Memorial Award, the Lala Ram Mohan Prize and Prof. Papiya Ghosh Memorial Prize for academic excellence. He was also awarded the University’s Post-Graduate Scholarship for pursuing M.A. in History where he chose to specialise in Ancient India due to his keen interest in Archaeology. He has also successfully completed a Certificate course on Women’s Studies by the Women’s Studies Development Centre, DU. As a part of N.S.S in the past, Manas has worked with national and international organisations and has shown keen interest and active participation in Social Service. He has led and been a part of projects involving areas such as gender sensitisation, persons with disability, helping slum dwellers, environment, adopting our heritage programme. He has also presented a case study on ‘Psychological stress among students’ at ICSQCC- Sri Lanka. As a compere for seminars and other events he likes to keep his orating hobby alive. His interests also lie in International Relations, Governance, Social issues, Essays and poetry. ... Read More

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