In Lok Sabha, ‘dominant’ Dalit groups have more representation: Breaking down the numbers

An analysis by The Indian Express shows that the relative advancement of a particular SC group and its population in a specific region were key factors that influenced the decision of political parties to nominate candidates from those specific communities. One difference between representation in a political office such as that of Lok Sabha MP and reservation in government jobs and higher education is that populations matter in the former while the latter is all about the upward mobility that a particular Dalit caste has undergone. This is something that the Supreme Court sought to address by permitting sub-classification.

In Uttar Pradesh, of the 17 seats reserved for the SCs, Pasi candidates won seven and Jatavs five. Pasis, at 16% of the SC population in the state, are the second-largest SC group numerically after Jatavs, who make up 56% of the Dalit population. Viewed as a traditional vote bank of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), Jatavs partially voted for the SP-Congress alliance this time while not completely deserting the Mayawati-led party that had a 9% vote share in the state this time. One exception was Nagina, where Jatavs voted en bloc for Chandrashekhar Azad of the Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) who too is from the community.

The five other Dalit MPs from UP are from the Dhangar, Kharwar, Gond, and Valmiki communities that lag behind Jatavs in education and access to government jobs and services.

In West Bengal, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) won six of the 10 SC-reserved seats while the BJP bagged the rest. Four of the Dalit MPs are from the Namasudra community, considered to be one of the dominant SC groups in the state. The two Rajbanshi MPs and the lone MP from the Poundra community won from constituencies where their respective communities are the dominant electoral force. The other three Dalit MPs from the state belong to the Sunri, Mal, and Bagdi communities that are comparatively more backward than the rest.

In Bihar, of the six Dalit MPs, two each are from the relatively affluent Dusadh and Rabidas communities while one each is from the more backward Musahar and Pasi communities. The Musahars in Bihar suffer from severe deprivation while unlike in UP, Pasis are not well-off compared to the other Dalit sub-groups in Bihar.

In the south Indian states too, the dominant Dalit groups enjoy a lion’s share of representation in the Lok Sabha, with 17 of the 21 SC-reserved seats held by Malas in the Telugu states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh; SC Right (Holeyas) and “touchable” Dalits of Karnataka; Pulayas of Kerala; and Paraiyars and Pallars of Tamil Nadu. All these Dalit communities are politically and economically dominant compared to other Dalit sub-groups.

In Tamil Nadu, five of the seven SC-reserved seats are held by Paraiyars, while two are held by MPs from the Pallar community. Madigas, seen to be the less dominant community in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Telangana, hold only four seats.

The trend of dominant SC communities taking up a large share of candidature in south Indian states is linked to their significant political influence over the years. In Andhra and Telangana, both the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the Congress nominated more Malas than Madigas over the years. In Karnataka, the BJP, which is seen to have a voter base among Madigas, fielded two candidates from the community while the Congress’ two winning candidates came from the Holeya community. In Kerala, Pulayas made up a significant portion of the Congress’s SC candidates.

Several of the dominant Dalit communities have also opposed the sub-categorisation of SCs. This includes the Malas in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the Holeyas in Karnataka, and the Paraiyars and Pulayas in Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Mayawati, whose party BSP counts Jatavs as one of its major voting bases, on Sunday said the proposed sub-classification of SCs was “unfair”.

In other parts of the country too, the dominant SC community seems to have had a lion’s share of representation. In Maharashtra, where the INDIA bloc won all five SC-reserved seats, two MPs come from the relatively affluent Mahar community while one each is from the Mala Jangam, Chambhar and leather-working communities that are relatively less dominant.

In Punjab, three of the four Dalit MPs are from the Ravidasia community while one is a Ramdasia Sikh. Both communities are dominant groups among Dalits. Rajasthan, too, does not buck the trend and has elected three Jatavs and a Meghwal, which are dominant SC communities, to the Lok Sabha and a lone MP from the Dhanuk community, seen to be less influential.

Madhya Pradesh, where the BJP won all 29 Lok Sabha seats, somewhat bucked the trend as of the four SC-reserved seats in the state, two MPs hail from the backward Khatik community while one each comes from the dominant Jatav and Balai communities.

In other states such as Assam, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Delhi, and Uttarakhand that have only one SC-reserved seat, Dalit MPs hail from the Dhupi, Chamar, Rehgarh, and Shilpkar communities, all viewed as dominant groups among the SCs in their respective states.