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Journalism of Courage
THE JAMAAT-E-ISLAMI, more precisely a faction of it, contested the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly elections this time amidst much hype as it was the first time in over three decades that the socio-political organisation had joined the poll fray. Still banned under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), slapped against it in February 2019, the Jamaat fielded nine candidates who contested as Independents apart from backing a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) rebel.
The Jamaat panel contesting the polls was also in negotiations with New Delhi for lifting the ban on the organisation, with the general impression being that the two things were tied. This “association” with the BJP is believed to have been the major reason behind the Jamaat’s poor performance in the elections. Barring its Kulgam candidate Sayar Ahamd Reshi, who gave a stiff fight to CPI(M) leader M Y Tarigami, the other eight Jamaat-backed nominees ended up forfeiting their security deposits.
In an interview with The Indian Express, the chief spokesperson of the panel and chief election in-charge, Shameem Ahmad Thoker, talks about the results and what follows. Excerpts:
* How do you see the performance of the Jamaat-backed candidates in the elections?
I am looking at it positively because we had no time to prepare for these elections. We convened our Shura (Executive Council) meeting on August 24, we filed nomination papers on 27th, and we started campaigning on 30th after we got the election symbols. We could hardly campaign for 15 days and we got more than 25,000 votes (in Kulgam). In Zainpora, we got over 15,000 votes, and in Devsar, over 5,000 votes. I would call it an achievement.
* But eight of the Jamaat candidates failed to even save their security deposits. How do you explain that given the hype around the Jamaat’s participation?
Our cadre was scattered, they were in confusion and fear. Because of that we couldn’t convince them and they didn’t come out to campaign for our candidates. The result was that we couldn’t convert the floating voters. We couldn’t build their confidence in just 14 days. They didn’t come out to campaign and that caused a dip in our performance. The fact is that our cadre did vote but they were not ready to motivate our sympathisers and their families.
* If you couldn’t convince your own cadre, how could you have convinced the people?
We had little time… We made attempts to assemble our (former) members at one place. In Pulwama, we didn’t find a place for this and decided to sit in a mosque. Just then the CID (the J-K Police’s intelligence wing) people came calling, our members were scared, there was chaos and they feared they would be arrested. After that incident, nobody agreed to provide their house for our meetings. Since we couldn’t convene our cadres, there was confusion.
Our adversaries, who were against our participation in the elections, propagated their own theories. They said it (the decision to contest) was not the decision of the Jamaat’s Shura (the Executive Council that existed before the UAPA ban) but of some individuals.
* The Shura and the panel… why is there such confusion?
Yes, it is a fact that the decision to participate in the elections was taken by the panel. But it had the support of the Shura that existed before the ban of the Jamaat. At an event in Shopian for Ajaz Mir (the Jamaat-backed candidate from Zainapora), we got Shehazada Aurangzeb, a Shura member respected across Kashmir because he is the son of Hakim (Ghulam Nabi) sahib (one of the founders of the Jamaat in Kashmir) and a great scholar. He asked the people to vote for Ajaz Ahmad Mir. He also issued a video statement. In our election rallies, our Shura members were there, our district and tehsil leadership was there, our members were there.
The people you are talking about, who raise these issues (about the panel taking a unilateral call), they don’t have any stature in the Jamaat.
* But Shehzada Aurangzeb’s brother Gazi Moin-ul-Islam, a top Jamaat leader who was recently released from jail, didn’t come forward to support you.
Gazi sahib didn’t get time. When our entire panel went to meet him to congratulate him on his release, he was weeping because his sister had died and he had not been informed, his uncle had died, his wife’s cousin had died, and he didn’t know. In the five-six days (before the polls), he was busy mourning. For many days he was with his nephews and nieces, whose mother had passed away. When we went to him, he told us that we shouldn’t worry about the people who are criticising the decision taken by the Jamaat. He said we should be worried about the intellectual class and take them along.
* You say that all the leadership, the Shura, the district and tehsil level, was with you. Then why did you get only 406 votes in even a stronghold like Sopore?
The only reason for our poor performance in Sopore was that the candidate was not accepted by the people… He himself came forward to contest and we thought he is a man of integrity and has had previous association with the Jamaat… But when we fielded him… the people didn’t accept him.
It is also true that we don’t have a huge cadre in the North. I went to North Kashmir myself and our cadre there was scared. That sort of fear, I have not seen in Jamaat cadre at any other place. They didn’t even come forward to meet us. Finances were another issue.
* What would be the impact of the election results on the Jamaat’s future?
People see this negatively, but I am taking it positively because, after 37 years, the Jamaat is back in democratic politics. We gave a stiff fight (despite) being in the field for just 14-15 days. I see an open and pleasant atmosphere for the Jamaat. It is true that we didn’t win or we got very few votes at some places. We are considering this, we will sit and discuss and devise a new policy and do well in the future.
* Will there be any review of the decision to contest polls?
See, the Jamaat did a review of its previous decision (taken in 1990), and I don’t see any scope for another review. We want to come back to the Jamaat of the pre-1990 era, and there is no going back on that. We want to be that socio-politico-religious party, a peaceful party that will work for the people and in politics. We will stand by that.
