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Journalism of Courage
Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited France from February 10 to 12 at the invitation of French President Emmanuel Macron. It was a very significant visit — this is why.
The PM’s visit had two key dimensions: the AI Action Summit which he co-chaired with President Macron, and consolidating India-France ties, which were elevated to the strategic partnership level in 1998. The two countries also reviewed the ‘Horizon 2047’ Roadmap agreed two years ago.
However, the next leg of the PM’s trip, to the United States, also influenced the visit. While France and other European nations have spent months preparing to navigate the “Trump factor”, the shocks already appear far greater than anticipated. US President Donald Trump’s phone call with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin has rattled European capitals that have strongly opposed the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Trump’s action spotlights the inherent risks of Europe’s strategic dependence on the US.
National identity and strategic independence are at the heart of French foreign policy. The Russian aggression against Ukraine, however, pushed such ideas to the background. Finland and Sweden joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) following the invasion of Ukraine. But with Trump in the White House, EU nations may be forced to reassess their strategic autonomy and defence preparedness.
French views have traditionally converged with the Indian preference for a multipolar world, making India a reliable partner for France. Additionally, the two countries share a strong commitment to addressing climate change. With Trump having announced the withdrawal of the US from the Paris Agreement, France could look to India for even closer collaboration in this area.
Unlike commercial exchanges, defence ties between countries carry a political dimension, and reflect an understanding of their respective geopolitical landscapes. Over the years, alongside Russia, France has been a key and reliable source of defence equipment for India. Such supplies also provide the exporting country with a degree of political leverage and directly impact the importing nation’s defence preparedness.
For New Delhi, trust also stems from the fact that France was among the few Western nations that refrained from imposing sanctions on India following the Pokhran-II nuclear tests of 1998. Since then, the two countries have collaborated closely at nearly all multilateral forums, including the UN Security Council. There has also been convergence in security and economic interests in the Indo-Pacific.
According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, France was among the top three global arms exporters between 2019 and 2023. Following the Ukraine war, France also figured in the list of the top three destinations for Indian defence exports in 2023-24. Last year, India and France also agreed on a Defence Industrial Roadmap to deepen cooperation. The Scorpene submarine project, additional purchases of Rafale jets and helicopters, as well as efforts toward indigenous production are ongoing under this framework.
The indigenisation process is crucial for India’s defence modernisation and diversification of supplies. India has offered France the Defence Research and Development Organisation’s Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launcher during this visit.
According to the joint statement, the two leaders agreed to work together more closely on implementing the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor that was first discussed on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in New Delhi in 2023. It has been planned to include an Eastern Corridor connecting India to the Gulf region, and a Northern Corridor connecting the Gulf region to Europe. It will comprise a railway, a ship-rail transit network, and supplementing road transport routes.
The IMEC aims to provide India with an alternative route to Europe. Despite the challenging security situation in the Middle East, several European nations are eager to position themselves as key connectors. During the visit, France proposed Marseille, located on the Mediterranean Sea, as a strategic hub for the project. Though multimodal transport corridors face greater logistical challenges than direct shipping routes, prevailing geopolitical uncertainties mean that India and most European nations will likely continue favouring multiple connectivity options, making IMEC an attractive option.
France is a pioneer in civil nuclear energy, with around 70% of its electricity being derived from nuclear power.
Both leaders stressed that nuclear energy is an “essential part of the energy mix” to enhance energy security and transition towards a low-carbon economy. France has offered to build nuclear power reactors in Jaitapur, Maharashtra. However, these projects have faced challenges such as high costs and unresolved technical and legal issues. Under India’s Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Act, 2010, a mechanism was laid down for compensating victims for damage caused by a potential nuclear accident, and ascertaining liability. Foreign players have cited this as a roadblock to their entry.
With the Indian government now planning amendments to both the 2010 Act and the Atomic Energy Act, 1962, the interest among French nuclear power companies could be renewed.
However, the focus is now shifting to Small Modular Reactor (SMR) and Advanced Modular Reactor (AMR) technologies. These smaller reactors have important advantages, requiring lesser physical space and lower capital investment. In the Union Budget presented on February 1, a Nuclear Energy Mission worth Rs 20,000 crore was announced for the research and development of SMRs. India and France have signed a letter of intent over cooperation on AMRs and SMRs during the visit.
Prof Gulshan Sachdeva is Chief Coordinator, DAKSHIN – Global South Centre of Excellence, RIS at New Delhi and Professor of European Studies at JNU
