— Ritwika Patgiri
(The Indian Express has launched a new series of articles for UPSC aspirants written by seasoned writers and scholars on issues and concepts spanning History, Polity, International Relations, Art, Culture and Heritage, Environment, Geography, Science and Technology, and so on. Read and reflect with subject experts and boost your chance of cracking the much-coveted UPSC CSE. In the following article, Ritwika Patgiri analyses different dimensions of internal migration in India.)
Migration is seen as an important component of socio-economic development. The 2011 Census estimates that 37% of India’s population comprises internal migrants, an increase from 31% in 2001. The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) has also reported a rise in the migration rate from 25% in 1993 to 29% in 2007-08.
In the Periodic Labour Force Survey 2020-21, the migration rate was estimated at 28.9%. While this indicates an overall increase in the migration rate, defined as the percentage of migrants in the population, understanding India’s migration story requires a deeper engagement with data that captures its various dimensions.
Another important aspect of India’s migration story is the disparity between rural and urban migration rates. The recent rural migration rate is estimated at 26.5%, while the urban migration rate stands at 34.9%. Rural-urban migration is the most dominant form of migration in India, often attributed to better employment opportunities, especially in the informal sector.
At the same time, agricultural issues, poverty, unemployment, and environmental degradation in rural areas are also seen as drivers of rural-urban migration. Hence, a combination of push and pull factors shape migration flows in the present day.
Along with the difference in spatial migration in India, there are also regional differences. While intra-district (within the same district) migration remains the most prevalent form, there has been a sharp increase in both inter-state and inter-district (within the same state) migrations. It has also been observed that interstate mobility tends to be lower in regions with high levels of poverty and illiteracy.
However, in recent years, the sharp rise in interstate migration indicates an increasing outflow of less educated and less-skilled individuals from backward states to developed states in search of livelihood opportunities. Such mobility could also be in search of better education and employment opportunities by the already better-off population. Regional inequalities in terms of development and enhanced connectivity, particularly through railways, have made migration from less developed Northern and Eastern states to more developed Southern states easier.
Studies have found that in–migration in India is more prevalent in states with higher per capita Net State Domestic Product like Maharashtra, Karnataka, Gujarat, Haryana, and Punjab. In contrast, states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, and Odisha send a large number of migrants to the economically advanced states.
Data further reveals a substantial increase in migration to urban areas from the poorest economic classes. These trends in internal migration suggest that unequal regional distribution of economic growth, labour market reforms, and informalisation of the labour market have been key drivers of internal migration in India.
The regional stories of migration are as important as the macro trends. For instance, Kerala has emerged as a “new Gulf of India” as internal migrants from the Northern, Eastern, and North-Eastern parts of the country come to the state for livelihood opportunities. Interestingly, Kerala is also known for its high out-migration overseas, particularly to the Gulf and other developed nations.
This outward migration is driven by the state’s high education and skill levels along with the reluctance of its youth to take up non-while collar jobs. The resulting labour gap in sectors like construction and blue-collar work is filled by in-migration from other states.
The example of Uttarakhand can also be noted to understand how migration patterns differ across regions. The 2011 Census data shows that the state has recorded significantly different population growth in plain and hill districts. While the hill districts recorded just 0.7% of population growth, the plain districts recorded a population growth of 2.8%. A key reason behind this disparity can be attributed to the large-scale emigration from the hill districts, driven by dependence on the subsistence economy, lack of employment opportunities, and the impact of climate and natural disasters.
This has led to significant depopulation of villages and given rise to “ghost villages” – villages that are not inhabited by a single person but still retain their land and houses. According to the 2011 Census, there are 1,048 ghost villages in Uttarakhand, and the number is now estimated to have risen to nearly 2,000.
For migrant-sending states, studies have also highlighted the role of remittances in improving the lives of those left behind. Data from NSSO shows that internal migrants contribute to two-thirds of remittances. Remittances serve as a channel through which migrant workers support their households in source areas and help improve their economic well-being. Moreover, remittances have the potential to contribute to growth and development in the source areas.
It has been found that age has been a crucial determinant of both migration and remittance patterns. Around 25-60% of the total remittances in India are sent by individuals aged 15-45 years. Studies have also noted the positive impacts of remittances on recipient households. Furthermore, studies have also focussed on the experiences of left-behind women in migrant households and the emerging processes of “feminisation of agriculture” or “feminisation of labour”.
For migrant-receiving states, there is a need to understand how increasing in-migration places rising pressure on housing, water availability, sanitation, health, and education. The risks of urban poverty, the rise in urban slums, and the expansion of the urban informal economy need to be addressed more actively.
Studies have also highlighted that caste and class hierarchies, along with landlessness and debt – factors that shape migrant’s political and socio-economic status in source areas – often accompany them to their destination areas. Therefore, upward mobility for migrants from marginalised groups becomes very difficult, with only a small fraction able to marginally improve their condition after settling in urban areas. Migrant workers often become a “footloose” labour force, as described by Dutch sociologist Jan Breman, with little to no access to social protection mechanisms and social security benefits.
However, there are policies that aim to address the challenges faced by informal workers. These include the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act 2008, Maternity Benefits Act 1961 (Amendment 2017), Pradhan Mantri MUDRA Yojana, the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulations of Street Vending) Act, 2014, the Rajasthan Platform Based Gig Workers Act, and the Karnataka State Gig Workers Insurance Scheme. Effective implementation of such policies can ensure that migrant-receiving states provide better opportunities and protection to their migrant informal workers.
What factors have contributed to the increase in India’s internal migration rate over the past two decades?
Why are states like Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Gujarat major destinations for in-migrants? What factors make states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Jharkhand significant sources of out-migrants?
How does the rise in internal migration impact socio-economic development at the national and regional levels?
What challenges do migrants face after moving to urban areas, and how can these be addressed?
What policies or interventions could address the root causes of rural-urban migration, such as poverty and unemployment in rural areas?
(Ritwika Patgiri is a doctoral candidate at the Faculty of Economics, South Asian University.)
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