A paralysed legislature

Unlike ordinary citizens, many of India’s MPs had the ‘‘choice’’ not to work — nor, if possible, let others do so. For the third day running, they forced both Houses of Parliament to adjourn within minutes of resumption.

Any other day, that too might have seemed routine — given our recent record of chaos and disruption in Parliament. But what really tipped the scales was the ‘‘voice vote’’ which preceded the adjournment.

In the space of few fleeting moments, the Lok Sabha gave its sovereign approval — ‘‘without disruptions and without discussion’’ — to the Government’s proposed annual expenditure: a sum of Rs 4,77,829 crore, or more than Rs 1,309 crore per day. No questions asked. Fali Nariman, among the most respected voices in our Parliament, was outraged enough to call it ‘‘a totally undemocratic procedure’’. Strong words from a mild-mannered man, but a sentiment widely shared by other independent colleagues: From Dr Bimal Jalan to P C Alexander.

It didn’t help that the Opposition had already boycotted the work of the various parliamentary committees which look into the budgetary proposals, including the demands for grants. For the first time ever in the history of India’s democracy, the annual grants of as many as 105 government departments had been cleared without so much as a token scrutiny.

A day later, it was the turn of the Finance Bill — perhaps the most important piece of legislation in the parliamentary calendar — to meet the same farcical fate. Another first for India’s democracy, another Lakshman Rekha of Parliament’s proverbial sanctity recklessly crossed.

Parliament has since adjourned sine die — six working days ahead of time. It is slated to meet next in late November for the Winter Session — a short, three-week affair. While we must hope against hope, one thing is certain. Few of the issues that have so exercised the Opposition — from ‘‘tainted’’ ministers to Savarkar — will be resolved by then. And who can say there won’t be others that might not come up in the interim?

Meanwhile, we are confronted with something of a legislative emergency. Before the second half of the Budget Session got underway on August 16, there were as many as 119 Bills pending before the Rajya Sabha. At the end of it, each one of them is still stuck in the choked legislative pipeline.

Many of these Bills are vital to the functioning of our economy. Many relate to badly needed changes in key areas of public policy — from urban development and poverty alleviation to health and family welfare, from defence to agriculture.

But India’s divided polity, it seems, will not relent. It will continue to put the future on hold till such time as it can sort out its petty rivalries and differences.

Since it first convened on June 2 this year, the 14th Lok Sabha has broken every previous record in terms of lost time. In 37 scheduled days of business so far, it has lost, assuming a five-hour working day, close to 90 hours out of an allotted 185 hours, or nearly half the time. This figure was barely 5 per cent for the 11th Lok Sabha less than 10 years ago.

It’s been no different in the RS. I was sworn in as a RS member on July 5 this year. In the time since, the RS has met for about 60 hours out of a possible 150. This includes the time spent on oath-taking, tributes, and such like — barely two hours for each of 30 days that the House was to meet.

It costs the exchequer anywhere between Rs 20-25 lakhs for an hour’s session in both Houses of Parliament. A simple calculation sugests that the loss caused by Parliamentary disruptions since the last general elections is already in the region of Rs 40 crore. Money that can provide free text-books to more than 26 lakh needy children every year under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, which can help build nearly 2000 primary schools or pay for more than 66 lakh man-days of employment under the food-for-work programme.

Over the years, India’s Parliament has gradually whittled down the number of days on which it meets every year. In 1952, the LS met for 123 days. In 1953, this figure was 138. For the last 15 years, the number has fallen below 100. The last time LS sat for more than 100 days in a year was in 1988, when it had a total of 102 sittings. Since then, the average has slumped to 80. Compare this to other advanced democracies. The House of Commons in UK is in session for close to 170 days in a year, the US Congress close to 150.

The number of sittings, however, is only one part of the story. A good day in India’s Parliament counts for five hours of uninterrupted work, excluding the hour-long lunch-break in the afternoon. The average duration per sitting for the House of Commons has been close to nine hours for the last 25 years.

Then there is the issue of quorum. Unlike other democracies, India’s parliamentary quorum is on the low side: 10 per cent of the House strength. In the US, for instance, this figure is over 50 per cent. Yet, Parliament often functions without a quorum. A random example: When the Securitisation and Reconstruction of Financial Assets Bill was passed in 2002 by the LS, a total of 38 MPs — less than the 55 required for a quorum — out of 542 were present in the House.

We have long talked about raising India’s economic productivity. How about the discipline, output and productivity of our Parliament?

A legislature that meets as infrequently as the Indian Parliament can ill-afford to spare time for token gestures. Should it, for instance, take the day off to commemorate the passing away of a sitting member? Or should it work an extra half-hour as a tribute to the departed soul?

My father, Dhirubhai Ambani, died on a Saturday night. On Monday, when the question of declaring a day’s holiday came up, all of us decided to spend an extra hour in the office. It was a far more fitting tribute to his memory — a man for whom work was worship, a sacred calling.

It’s time we introduced an element of fairness and accountability in the system. If everyone in the real world follows the ‘‘no work, no pay’’ principle, should the MPs claim the Rs 500 allowance on days when Parliament is on ‘‘strike’’? The sums involved are laughable, but not the symbolism.

The logic can be as easily extended to other ‘‘entitlements’’ —- beginning with the MPLADS under which each Member of Parliament is allowed to spend Rs 2 crore every year on development schemes in his or her constituency. Isn’t there a case for linking this money to the performance of the legislators in the House? Can the right to recall be invoked in respect of those who willfully disrupt Parliament?

There are, admittedly, no easy answers. But the questions must be asked.

In a democracy, political leaders are expected to set standards — to lead the people by personal example. Going by what happened in Delhi last Wednesday, it’s time to reverse the roles.

Time perhaps for the VIPs to follow the people.

The writer is Vice-Chairman and Managing Director, Reliance Industries Ltd and Rajya Sabha MP