‘Dissanayake will probably have a relationship that is on an even keel between India and China’: Bernard Goonetilleke

It’s a very interesting story, the journey undertaken by this revolutionary party called Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) vis-a-vis India.

In 1971, a year after the election that established the free, sovereign and independent republic, the JVP was part of an insurrection against the government led by the then Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike, intending to get her and her party out of Sri Lankan politics and install its leaders as the country’s rulers. That effort failed.

I remember I had just joined the foreign ministry then. I was in-charge of the foreign ministry’s communication division. I recall that we did not even have bullets for our rifles and other weapons necessary to defend the government. I also remember sending messages to our High Commission in New Delhi, requesting help from India to respond to the JVP attacks. That was how it all began. Of course, the party was put down quite brutally. The outfit registered as a political party and contested elections in 1977 if I’m not mistaken. They rebelled again in 1988-89 but the Sri Lankan administration brutally crushed this uprising.

If you remember correctly, the JVP was anti-Indian at that time. They used a lecture series from the beginning of 1971 to induct young men, women and school-going children into the party. They took action against those who were working with India or importing goods from India and tried to eliminate them. That spurred the formation of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

Now there has been some unhappiness about relations with India. But as we know, in February, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake visited New Delhi and met External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Among other things, he also visited Gujarat, the state where Amul is located. This is significant considering he had expressed his unhappiness earlier about Sri Lankan involvement with Amul. So his going to Amul was an important step. Perhaps this visit would have provided an opportunity for India to assess the new president and for him to understand what India is. It is not the same India of the 1970s or 1980s. It is a different India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

So, based on his renewed understanding of India and whatever feelings he had earlier, it is safe to think that he would try to balance his relations with India, knowing very well whenever there is a problem in Sri Lanka, India would be the first to come to its aid. I presume he will try to address his relationship with India now much more pragmatically.

On the current electoral mandate

We need to understand why this particular party, with this person at its head, was elected by the people. More importantly, he is the second revolutionary leader in South Asia – after Nepal – to be elected head of state of the country. The share of people who voted for him went up from three per cent to 42 per cent, and with the preferential votes, well above 50 per cent. There must be a very good reason.
Obviously, people felt that the very well-known political parties, which had existed for over 70-odd years since independence, had not delivered, or failed to deliver what they promised at the elections to the people.

Basically, the population has rejected the mandate of the old parties and expressed hope that this new party and this new man, who comes from a humble background despite his policy orientation, will be able to do the right thing for the people and the country. The very fact that Sri Lanka had to go in for a preferential vote means that people’s support is conditional and that they would be looking at his performance. People were not very happy with the JVP initially and when they voted, they did not vote for the JVP per se. They voted for the National People’s Power (NPP) alliance led by him.

On the Tamil cause

If you look into the voting pattern in the island nation, you will find the Eastern province and the Northern province voting for parties other than President Dissanayake’s JVP. However, after he was elected President, he thanked those who voted for him and promised to do justice to all, including those who did not vote for him.

So between now and November 14, I think his focus will be on these two provinces to allow the residents an opportunity to understand his minority-centric policies. I don’t think he will be overly confident to say that he will solve the long-standing problems of the region but I do feel that he will acknowledge this region and see what mechanism could be adopted to solve or address the problems there.

On collective memories of the insurrection

The revolution failed in the north and the east as well as other parts of the country. The families of those who died, regardless of whether they are Sinhalese or Tamils, will remember what happened. But then, of course, what can be done is the question. There was an insurrection and the authorities responded. As for whether excessive force was used, in certain instances it would have been the case.

Whether we have room and space to go into those cases is another question. Or do we look forward to the future with confidence?

In a statement made by Dissanayake in his hometown, he rattled off names of his classmates and school friends who died during the 1988-1989 insurrection. He also said that he had been targeted those days and that his teacher hid him for one month from the army, risking retaliatory action. I don’t think it will be easy to erase these memories but he now has to look forward.

On relations with India and China

To an outsider, it may seem like different presidents were pro-India or pro-China. But the fact remains that a Sri Lankan president will be firstly pro-Sri Lanka. Whatever measures they take will be with Sri Lanka in mind. Of course, there could be special relations with China, or with India, depending on the circumstances. I don’t think you can take one president and say that he is pro-China and this one is pro-India.

So now we are talking about a political party which had close relations with China. Like in Nepal, the party was called Maoist Party in the beginning. You can say things as a member of the Opposition, but once you assume power, you have to act responsibly. I am convinced that President Dissanayake will also act responsibly, bearing in mind relations with both India and China are important.

I don’t think the new president will, for example, put his lot in favour of either China or India. He will have a relationship that is on an even keel between the two nations.

On balancing ideology and governance

Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya said the new government had already identified trade, investment, education, employment and tourism among the priority areas of the economy. This is very encouraging. As for foreign policy, she said a draft had been prepared.
What is important is that when the new President assumed duties, he did not come and upset the applecart although the JVP is a revolutionary Marxist party. He removed one or two secretaries of ministries and kept the rest or re-appointed the rest.

So we have reason to believe that at least till the parliamentary elections, they will be there. And he introduced one or two new persons to handle the state’s affairs. This means he does not mean to act with vengeance against the established order but sees it better to allow the vehicle to run without deflating several tyres. There seems to be enough interest and foresight.