The legislative journey of the Women’s Reservation Bill began nearly three decades ago, in September 1996, when it was first introduced in Parliament. Over the years, every subsequent administration has made attempts to secure its passage. Unfortunately, due to a lack of political determination and consensus, this significant endeavour was ultimately met with failure.
In September this year, the 128th Constitutional Amendment Bill, which seeks to reserve one-third of the total number of seats in the state legislative assemblies and Lok Sabha for women, was passed with near-unanimous support. The newly passed Women’s Reservation Bill, also known as the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, aims to bring gender parity into the political domain by encouraging more women to participate in politics. However, several issues put the Bill’s applicability in a spot.
To begin with, the constitutional amendment bears an important stipulation: Its execution hinges on the successful conclusion of a delimitation process set for 2026 — based on the most recent Census data obtained after the Bill’s enactment. This provision essentially defers the earliest possible year of its implementation to the 2029 general election. It is indeed regrettable that this implementation is contingent upon delimitation, as the core principle of reserving one-third of seats for women remains unrelated to the geographical boundaries of constituencies or the count of Assembly or Lok Sabha constituencies in each state. Further, a law enacted by Parliament will determine the allocation of seats reserved for women, and these reservations will undergo periodic rotation.
Even after decades of experience in democratic functioning, India stands far behind in gender equality in society and politics. The current Parliament comprises 15 per cent of women legislators, which is the highest number in its history. Presently, the Lok Sabha accommodates only 82 women members. In 2023, India’s Gender Gap Index highlighted a significant gender gap in political empowerment. The data suggests it would take approximately 162 years to achieve gender equality in this area, with a global closure rate of 22.1 per cent.
It is disheartening to note that in over seven decades of India’s electoral history, the presence of women in Parliament has never exceeded this 15 per cent threshold. When examined in terms of the proportion of women candidates participating in the 2019 general election, their representation dwindles even further, reaching a meagre nine per cent. In fact, if we have a look at the state-wise participation, the representation of women MLAs falls significantly short. Women members constituted less than 10 per cent of legislative assemblies in 20 states and Union Territories. These states include Maharashtra (8.3 per cent), Andhra Pradesh (8 per cent), Gujarat (8.2 per cent), Kerala (7.9 per cent), Tamil Nadu (5.1 per cent), Telangana (five per cent), and Karnataka (4.5 per cent). Only one state, Tripura, manages to surpass the 15 per cent threshold. Until 2023, Nagaland did not have any women MLAs.
According to data, India’s representation of women in Parliament ranks among the lowest globally. In comparison to BRICS nations, which now include new members, India holds the second-lowest position with a mere 15 per cent representation, surpassing only Iran, which stands at six per cent.
A look at the political parties in the state legislative assemblies reveals that the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal boasts the highest proportion of women MLAs at 15.3 per cent, with the Congress in Chhattisgarh closely following at 14.7 per cent. Conversely, Congress in Karnataka reports a meagre three per cent, while the Bharat Rashtra Samithi in Telangana and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu exhibit among the lowest representations at 3.4 per cent and 4.5 per cent, respectively.
When examined across political party lines, women constitute just 13.5 per cent of the incumbent members belonging to the largest political party in the Lower House, the Bharatiya Janata Party. The most substantial representation of women MPs in the Lok Sabha is observed within the Biju Janata Dal, accounting for 41.7 per cent, closely followed by the Trinamool Congress at 40.9 per cent.
These numbers are staggering and, perhaps, the underlying concern is: Can numbers alone accurately reflect progress or are there additional complexities that need to be comprehended in order to facilitate a more profound change?
The Women’s Reservation Bill may be a step in the right direction but given the delay in its implementation, the gender composition of India’s Parliament and state assemblies is unlikely to change anytime soon. Further, the onus for driving this political transformation should not fall solely on women but must be shared by systems influenced by both men and women. This entails applying a more inclusive perspective that can enhance the quality of policy decisions. The intricate and multifaceted challenges of the Indian political landscape necessitate a comprehensive approach — one that incorporates the fundamental principles of equality and inclusion, alongside achieving equal representation for women and other marginalised segments of society.
Jaffrelot is a senior research fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at King’s India Institute, London. Chauhan is an independent research scholar from King’s College, London
