Unlike in 2018, the signs of the changing political landscape in Telangana in 2023 could be seen in the waning support for the ruling Bharatiya Rashtra Samithi (BRS). This decline in popularity was particularly noticeable in the increasing detachment of the people from several BRS MLAs, who seemed to have lost their credibility. The desire for “change” was a familiar theme throughout Telangana, manifesting in various expressions and forms. This self-generating anti-BRS momentum led to a shift in public opinion, with the Congress party emerging as a strong alternative.
This change signifies a move away from the deeply rooted regional and cultural identity that once defined Telangana’s politics, marking a shift in the state’s political narrative. In other words, the electoral triumph of Congress and the enhanced performance of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will change the landscape of regional party politics in India.
The 2023 Assembly election in the state was unique and challenging for many reasons. First, the state witnessed an intense campaign battle between the BRS and Congress, yet the voters were more resolute in their choices. Second, the BRS’s inconsistent and poorly executed welfare programmes over its nine-and-a-half-year tenure led to widespread dissatisfaction, enabling opposition parties to craft narratives that played on voter anxieties.
Third, decentralised political narratives were in circulation, shaping the sentiment against BRS, its government, leadership and MLAs. This included efforts to convince minorities and anti-BJP voters of an alleged alliance between BRS, BJP, and AIMIM, mobilising students and young people over unfulfilled government jobs, and harnessing the discontent of rural communities and government employees over projects like Rythu Bandhu and Dharani land records management system and poor working conditions, respectively. The Congress campaign effectively magnified this general sentiment of dissatisfaction with the ruling party.
Fourth, voter divisions did not align along communal lines. Instead, the focus was on the “welfare guarantees” promised by both the incumbent and the Opposition. This lack of communal polarisation, which could have solidified party allegiances and reduced electoral volatility, is partly attributable to the BRS’s efforts to maintain communal harmony. Overall, these factors contributed to an intensely competitive election environment.
Notably, the BRS’s key social security initiatives such as Shaadi Mubarak, Rythu Bandhu, Rythu Bima, Aasara Pension schemes, along with other benefits like payments to religious clerics, scholarships for minority students abroad, consistent electricity supply, housing, and land distribution programmes, received high public approval ratings. However, the electorate predominantly favoured a shift in leadership. This preference for change was largely attributed to accusations against the BRS of engaging in dynastic politics, ineffectively and selectively implementing popular schemes, demonstrating an authoritarian governance style, exuding an aura of arrogance, and lacking effective political communication to address local grievances.
The prolonged absence of key leaders from public view, the sinking of Medigadda barrage under the Kaleshwaram Lift Irrigation project, discrepancy in land ownership records in the Dharani portal, revocation of EC’s permission to disburse financial aid to farmers under the Rythu Bandhu scheme and, crucially, the perceived inaccessibility and discourteous behaviour of its MLAs also played a significant role in adversely affecting the BRS’s chances. Additionally, a critical factor in the party’s electoral setback was its inability to keep alive the spirit and historical memories of the Telangana agitation. The prevailing governance crisis took precedence over regional sentiment.
Following its resurgence post the Karnataka election and the Bharat Jodo Yatra, Congress emerged as a strong contender against the BRS in Telangana. Despite limited organisational strength, its strategic campaign, a comprehensive manifesto, and the Gandhi family’s active engagement provided the party with significant momentum. By promising to enhance BRS’s welfare initiatives and countering perceptions of being an outsider, Congress appealed to various social groups while maintaining its core support base among Reddys, Malas, Gowdas, minorities, and Scheduled Tribes.
The resilience of the BJP was clearly demonstrated as it successfully appealed to its traditional voters. Consequently, the local BJP cadres at the booth levels were highly motivated and active in their winning-edge assembly constituencies. The increase in its vote share and number of seats suggests that the BJP’s approach of uniting the three “M” groups — Mudhiraj, Munnuru Kapus, and Madiga voters — achieved some success.
Regional parties play a crucial role in India’s electoral landscape, enhancing democracy and regional identity. The BRS in Telangana is a prime example, championing regional causes and securing electoral victories. However, its 2023 defeat may significantly impact the political scene: It may undermine the confidence of regional parties in Congress leading the 2024 INDIA coalition, aid BJP’s efforts to oppose Congress with its “Congress Mukt Bharat” national narrative in Telangana, and diminish Telangana’s sub-nationalism, potentially opening the doors for Andhra Pradesh’s political and business interests in Telangana.
The writer is professor of Political Science, Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU), Hyderabad
