Written by Gopal Gurung
On June 14, India announced its transformative recruitment policy, the Agnipath scheme, for the induction of personnel below officer rank into its armed forces for a limited period of four years. Since then, the recruitment process is underway in India. Almost concurrently, since Nepali soldiers or Gorkhas constitute a substantial part of the Indian army, necessary communication was sent to the Government of Nepal to obtain permission to conduct the recruitment at Butwal with effect from August 25 and on subsequent dates in Dharan.
A day before the scheduled date of commencement of recruitment, as per reports, Nepal’s Foreign Minister Narayan Khadka informed India’s ambassador to Nepal, Naveen Srivastava, that the recruitment of Gorkhas under Agnipath be deferred. The minister is also said to have stated that the Agnipath scheme did not conform to the provisions of the Tripartite Agreement (TPA) signed by Nepal, India and Britain on November 9, 1947, and desired consultation with political parties and stakeholders to assess its impact before a final decision is taken.
This has raised a question about the future of Gorkhas from Nepal in the Indian Army, who have been part of its 207-year-old legacy. For many families, sons proudly following the footsteps of their forefathers for over five-six generations, recruitment into the Indian army is more than just a means of employment. It is a family tradition with an emotional and social connection with the battalion, the Indian army and India. The 32,000 serving soldiers and 1.25 lakh ex-servicemen of the Indian army form a key constituency for India in Nepal and are a pillar of the special relationship between the two countries. Besides, they also make a substantial contribution to the Nepalese economy. The combined sum of the pension disbursed to the ex-servicemen and remittances made by serving soldiers annually is Rs 4,500 crore or $562.5 million – 1.6 per cent of Nepal’s GDP.
After a hiatus of over two years, when the dates and venues of recruitment were announced, the various pre-recruiting coaching academies in places like Pokhra saw a huge surge in prospective candidates. This is indicative of the degree of unemployment and the desperation of the youth. To all of them, the announcement by the foreign minister has come as a setback to their dreams and aspirations.
While the minister’s concern for the need for wider consultation with other political parties and stakeholders (as part of coalition compulsion) is understandable, what is inexplicable is the failure to do so with alacrity and urgency, when the first communication about the recruitment was received from the Indian Embassy nearly two months ago. This delay becomes critical because, in the recruitment process, the “cut-off” date for determining whether a candidate meets the age criteria, is the first day of the recruitment rally. By delaying the permission, Nepal has inadvertently delivered a huge blow to a large section of its youth who would become “overage” due to the deferment.
It is being widely reported in Nepal that the terms and conditions of the Agnipath scheme are not in conformity with the various provisions of the TPA. This is not so, and so far, no specific provision based on which this argument is being made has come to light.
Many are of the view that prior to introducing such a far-reaching recruitment policy, Nepal should have been consulted which, considering the trajectory of the bilateral relations, would have certainly been desirable. However, as per the provisions of the TPA, it is not obligatory for India to consult Nepal regarding the recruitment policy of its armed forces, as long as the policy is applied uniformly to candidates across India and Nepal.
As in India, apprehensions are being expressed also in Nepal regarding soldiers released at the end of four years (Agniveers), getting misguided and turning into anti-social elements, thus, giving rise to gun culture. When one looks back into the past, a much larger number of soldiers have returned to Nepalese society as in the case of nearly two lakh Gurkha soldiers (60 per cent of them without pension) being demobilised after World War II. Similarly, in 1969 and 1997, the British Army had demobilised 6,000 and 7,000 Gurkhas respectively, as part of its overall downsizing. No cases of these demobilised Gurkhas turning into anti-social elements have come to light. On the contrary, these Agniveer Gorkhas with their rich experience of four years in the Indian army and empowered with certificates of their skill sets and Class XII would be better qualified for being drafted by Thailand and Singapore in their police force as well as jobs in other countries.
However, the above should not lull both nations into complacency. China has emerged as a major player in Nepal. It has never let pass any opportunity to drive a wedge between Nepal and India. In 1962, it attempted to subvert 700 Gorkha POWs by giving them special privileges and even offering their direct repatriation to Nepal, which the latter turned down. More recently, in September 2020 when the India-Nepal relations were at their lowest ebb, China sponsored a study by one of the Confucius Study Centres in Nepal to examine the socio-economic and motivational aspects of Gorkhas joining the Indian Army. Although the intent and outcome of the study are yet not known, it can’t be discounted as a mere psychological operation by China.
Any further prevarication by Nepal regarding recruitment will dent the legacy of the Gorkha connection with the Indian army, and have an adverse impact on the relationship between Nepal and India. It is time the political leadership of Nepal not only rises above politics and safeguards the interests of its youth, but works in consultation with India for a smooth transitioning of Gorkha Agniveers into their second careers in 2027 and onwards.
The writer was a Major General in the Indian Army
