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Opinion The idea of Deoband

Socially conservative and politically progressive

July 27, 2011 12:36 AM IST First published on: Jul 27, 2011 at 12:36 AM IST

It was on a hot summer afternoon,on May 30,1866,under a pomegranate tree,in the Chhatewaali (beehive) masjid in Deoband,Saharanpur,with a single tutor and his solitary student (both,coincidentally named Mehmood),that the idea of Darul Uloom was born.

But Deoband was more than just another conservative madrassa imparting religious education — then and now. The first madrassa that focused on the institution rather than revolving around a single teacher or family “silsila”,as was the case till then,Deoband attracted several students as time went on and its unique idea of helping craft the idea of Indian citizenship through the eyes of the religious minority — as a seasoned commentator put it,one that was “politically progressive but socially conservative”.

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In tumultuous times,when several educated Muslims happily bought into the idea of nation being equal to religion — as articulated by Jinnah a little later — Deoband offered solid counters. The loudly,even if slowly enunciated,point was that nationhood had to do with birthplace and the sense of one’s homeland.

In the heart of an area torn apart by Partition,Deoband held on and maintained its opposition to the carving out of another nation state for Muslims,seeing such an exercise as futile. It refused government or princely aid,and was instead funded by tiny contributions. This helped a wide network to grow,with Deoband graduates encouraged to forward the cause and set up maktabs and study centres.

Those critical of Deoband’s hermit-like and inward approach to matters of faith cite the example of the Aligarh school,which too struck roots in the second half of the 19th century. The latter focused not on opposing the British,but embracing modern education.

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But Deoband always saw its role differently. In the early 20th century,when the Muslim League was finding its distinctive voice,those close to Deoband were busy setting up the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (in 1919),a body of Muslim religious scholars locked in with Gandhi’s movement.

Their relentless argument for Muslims being at ease and completely embedded in the idea of the nationhood of modern India was an important bulwark as storms of violence raged and scarred populations — both Hindu and Muslim,before,during and after Partition.

For all the controversies in recent years,Deoband continues to enunciate fatwas,or declarations of what is right or correct,when seen in a pure Islamic light — in fact,fatwas can be sought online. Deoband’s refusal to “reform” puts several people off,those who hope the seminary would use its heft to shine some light into areas unexplored so far by the subcontinent’s largest minority. But the fatwa has also been an instrument of outreach,a way of conflict resolution. For instance,Deoband’s fatwa openly called the fatwa issued for Salman Rushdie’s head “un-Islamic”. When asked if India was Darul Harb (land of war) as it was not Darul Islam (land of

Islam/ Peace),it said it was Darul Aman (land of peace). In older times too,Deoband fatwas clarified that in the list of several revered messengers of God,Ram and Krishna,among others,would be recognised. In their latest significant fatwa,three years ago,decreeing “terror” as un-

Islamic,they in fact earned the wrath of several sullen believers who thought saying so was a defensive move. When Baba Ramdev’s yoga gained popularity,

Deoband had no hesitation decreeing that there was no conflict between yoga and Islam — something Muslim worthies in other parts of the world seemed to be struggling with. By calling out and saying they had nothing to do with Deobandi madrassas springing up in Pakistan-Afghanistan,they stayed ahead. Most recently too,their savvy website talked of how they have nothing to do with one “Tehreek-e-Taliban-e-Hindustan” sending emails as a Deoband associate.

Of course,pitched battles have been fought within the institution too,for control. And even before the Vastanvi crisis drew attention to Deoband in a way that made them cringe,the 1980s saw a nasty split,again on the question of who would succeed the then Mohtamim,Maulana Qari Tayyeb,and another Darul Uloom (Wakf) came into existence. Relative peace in Deoband’s internal politics was restored only in the 1990s.

Interestingly,Mahmoodul Hasan,the lone young man who was the first Darul Uloom student under the pomegranate tree,was awarded the title of “Sheikh-ul-Hind”. Along with Husain Ahmed Madani (grandfather of Mahmood Madani and father of Arshad Madani),he went on to battle the Empire,believing that Hindu-Muslim unity was imperative if the country was to be freed. Later in 1912,their group declared India free,and even set up a government of India in exile,choosing Raja Mahindra Pratap Singh as the “president”. They were subsequently sent off to rigorous imprisonment in Malta and for many years.

seema.chishti@expressindia.com

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