The last five years in Maharashtra have been the most politically turbulent since the state came into existence in 1960. For cynical naysayers, with regard to the upcoming assembly elections, it is fashionable to complain that the voters have little real choice. To correct this perspective, it is important to understand the evolution of Mahayuti (MY), the prospects of which have been shaped by the misadventures of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), particularly the Shiv Sena-UBT.
The first severe blow to an otherwise ideologically and logically sound alliance politics in Maharashtra was served by Uddhav Thackeray five years ago. Bal Thackeray had total control over the Shiv Sena but kept away from formal seats of power. However, Uddhav allowed his son Aditya to contest the assembly election in 2019. Later, while moving away from the BJP and falling prey to the Machiavellian tactics of Sharad Pawar, Uddhav compromised with the second tenet of family tradition and became Maharashtra’s CM. In the process, as Shiv Sena paksh-pramukh, Uddhav made two shocking decisions, to the bewilderment of the hardcore Sainiks. First, he broke with the BJP and abandoned the Hindutva platform. Second, he entered into an alliance with Congress and NCP. Uddhav becoming the CM also disturbed equations with his close confidants who knew that post-Uddhav, it would be Aditya.
Unlike several political dynasties — the Gandhis, Yadavs, Patnaiks and Badals — the Thackeray dynasty did not become part of the government. Post-2019, it lost this uniqueness. After deserting the BJP-NDA, Shiv Sena’s compromise on Hindutva issues is also out in the open: The Thackeray dynasty opposed Waqf reforms and openly disregarded Hindu sensibilities about beef consumption.
If politics in Maharashtra today is seen as muddled, Uddhav Thackeray cannot escape the blame. Thanks to his largely “work-from-home” chief ministerial tenure, Uddhav not only failed to make any significant impact but also lost his grip over the party’s organisation — he couldn’t keep his flock together.
For those who want to understand the mess in Maharashtra politics, there are at least four lessons from the MVA saga. First, running an alliance is not a joke. The BJP has not just practised but also mastered this art since the days of A B Vajpayee. Second, although indirect politics has its pitfalls, when an inexperienced leader takes the wheel, they find out that providing decisive leadership is not child’s play. Third, in a party like the Shiv Sena where ideology is a motivating force, the loss of faith — shraddha — of the cadres is heavy. Lastly, with a succession plan confined to close blood relations, dynastic parties are bound to face a split.
The MY government came to power in 2022 in this context. Its governance has made an impact. During its 2.5-year rule, Maharashtra attracted FDI up to 26.83 per cent of the national total — under the MY it went up to 36.90 per cent. Under MVA rule, the number of new MSMEs registered stood at 8,10,964 whereas, under the MY regime, it reached 14,41,145. Under the MVA rule, financial assistance to the tune of Rs 13,941 crore was disbursed to self-help groups; the corresponding figure for the MY regime was Rs 28,811 crore. All this indicates that the MY is recovering the ground partly lost in the Lok Sabha polls.
Apart from an obvious lack of coherence in the ideological positions of the MVA constituents, factors like difficulties in seat sharing and open squabbles over the CM face, have punctured its post-Lok Sabha confidence.
The writer is former president, Indian Council for Cultural Relations and a BJP leader
