The guillotine has fallen again in Kerala. The first time it fell was on landlordism in 1956, when the government of EMS Namboodiripad legislated land reforms that ended centuries-old feudalism. In a single stroke, agricultural labourers were free to sell their labour power to whom they pleased. That this did not lead to a dynamic agricultural sector does not take away from its potential to have ushered in a social revolution. Social distance between labourer and landlord, a prominent aspect of Kerala society, was ended once and for all. And, the labour movement received an impetus. However, while the economic and social power exerted by way of class declined, the asymmetry of power — whereby men rule over women in almost all spheres of social life — remained untouched. Left politics in Kerala remained fixated on economic inequality and Western imperialism. In the meanwhile, unexpectedly, religion assumed a far greater role in social life, cementing the hold of patriarchy. But now, in a completely unexpected turn, patriarchy is under the scanner. It may have taken a while to come, but it could lead to that much-needed second social revolution in Kerala and serve as an example of what can be achieved elsewhere in a country where women endure toxicity in the workplace.
The particular development in Kerala has taken the form of a group of women in the film industry coming together under the banner of Women’s Collective in Cinema (WCC). Their first act was to call out the misogynistic dialogues in Malayalam films, spoken by some of the biggest stars of the industry. While it is difficult to gauge its impact, the WCC’s second intervention was more powerful. Following the case of a young woman actor being sexually assaulted, WCC pressured the government to set up a committee to investigate the working conditions for women in the film industry. The Hema Committee was the first instance in Kerala when a group of women were able to pressure a government to such a degree. But the results took a long time to come. A government reluctant to publish the findings of the Committee had to be directed to do so following a ruling of the Right to Information appellate body. The Hema Committee report has been redacted but its main message, national news since, is that women in the Malayalam film industry are subjected to discrimination and sexual exploitation. The storm that broke out has led to resignations in both the state film body, Kerala Chalachitra Academy, and the actors’ union, Association of Malayalam Movie Actors (AMMA). AMMA, led exclusively by men, has come across as wedded to patriarchy. The Kerala government has set up a Special Investigating Team, comprising senior women of the IPS to investigate the recent allegations.
This uprising in Kerala has lessons for the movement to bring about gender justice in the country. First, do not expect even an elected government to take the initiative to address patriarchy, even when it comes down to something as simple as ensuring a safe workplace for women. When politicians speak of “social justice” they appear to not have women in mind. But a government can be pressured to take action, which brings hope to the project. Second, women will have to take the lead in ensuring that their demands are acceded to by employers, without waiting for social attitudes to change. WCC have shown that a move towards this can be made, but the struggle is unlikely to ease up. It took a small group of mostly young and articulate women seven years to bring things to this stage in Kerala. If the question of women’s safety in the workplace becomes a movement, easier now that WCC has brought nation-wide awareness to the matter, much can be achieved, and sooner, without individuals having to place their careers on the line.
For years, economists have wrung their hands over the low female worker participation in the labour force, which is one factor keeping India at a low level of income. World Bank data reveals that this statistic is lower in India than in even Saudi Arabia, reflexively thought of as a more conservative socially. The answer to the question of low presence of women in India’s workforce is easier to comprehend after the revelations in Kerala: Women are unlikely to feel safe in the workplace in India. In the aftermath of the Abhaya case in Kolkata, with the national media reporting on the state of the infrastructure in India’s government hospitals, it is possible to see how little needs to be done to move the needle on women’s safety – basic infrastructure such as separate, functioning toilets and safe resting areas, especially when they are on long work shifts. Merely the absence of a secure place to sleep stood between the young doctor in Kolkata and her life.
India’s labour laws had once disallowed night shifts for women in factories and decreed that spittoons be provided in the workplace. They are in severe need of revision. In India, women constitute neither a class nor a caste. They are not financially independent and have lower health and education endowments within every caste group. After recent events in Bengal and Kerala, it cannot be business as usual for India’s talkative political class. They will have to widen their definition of “social justice”.
The writer is an economist
