The writer taught political science at Savitribai Phule Pune University, Pune, and is chief editor of 'Studies in Indian Politics'.
In Opposition, non-BJP parties have been lazy in not responding politically at all. It took two full months for the UPA and some other non-BJP parties even to think of talking formally to each other.
Equally disturbingly, the lockdown has ensured that the class-chasm would become more real, more sharp and yet politically infructuous. The overwhelming support that the lockdown has received among India’s middle classes is noteworthy not just because of the gullibility of that class but also because of its complete lack of social connection to anything beyond itself.
We should brace ourselves not only for the deep impact the coronavirus crisis will have on routine lives and the economy; this crisis will also leave its imprint on the idea of the public and our politics.
The two handsome victories of the BJP must have told the political class that the tide of popular sentiment is turning in favour of a particular set of beliefs. Broadly identified as Hindutva nationalism, this new political culture does not have much patience for ideas of inclusion, diversity, compassion and co-existence.
Takeaways from AAP victory: Governance matters most in state polls, having a popular face is crucial, emotive issues take backseat to govt performance
AAP's win in Delhi elections provides relief, hope. But the romance with the Delhi outcome must halt.
An agitation that began in response to an assault on the constitutional idea of citizenship has opened the doors for redefining the idea in a manner that would have made the Republic’s founding fathers proud of today’s protesters.
In keeping with recent trends across the country, this Assembly poll saw a focus on local issues and a limited influence of the central leaders of parties, particularly the BJP.
BJP loses another state, but continues to make its opponents become more like BJP to fight it
Kejriwal remains popular among Delhi voters, most of whom appear satisfied with his govt’s performance in the last five years, a Lokniti-CSDS survey shows.
Politics after CAB: On the one hand, are principles emptied of meaning. On the other, a clear-headed majoritarian project.
When the fig leaf of decency is gone, the minimal requirements of rule of law can be thrown out of the window as useless appendages to the elixir of power. This is what Maharashtra is witnessing.
Even as it is possible to criticise the Court’s ruling, what social and political spaces exist to critique, dispute and contest the political narrative in which the Ayodhya agitation originated?
We may be looking at voter fatigue with the Modi model amid continued voter endorsement of Modi.
In Maharashtra, the party works on constructing all-India politics while also appropriating the regional space
On Independence Day, we heard the aspiring statesman, the man of ideas, the debater, the polemicist, the ruthless executive.
Sonia Gandhi’s return as party president is likely to impede the real task of party-building that the Congress has been postponing since the 1980s. Rajiv Gandhi reminded the party of this when it was celebrating its centenary. Sonia could not do it when she took over in the late Nineties.
The current processes of in-flow and out-flow underline the weakness of the way parties are organised. Parties do talk about membership drives, but they often obfuscate intra-party democracy and intra-party competition.
We are moving away from the constitutional logic behind enabling clauses such as Articles 15 and 16.
Over the past decade-and-a-half, the idea that claims made by the majority are a natural corollary of democracy has settled itself quite comfortably in India’s collective imagination of democracy