The writer is Distinguished Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis, New Delhi.
Indian diplomacy must take a fresh look at its Southeast Asia policy and the constraints being imposed on it by unsatisfactory economic performance and sectarian and communal politics at home.
A Master’s in economics from the Delhi School of Economics, Sunil began his media career at India Today after a brief tenure at FICCI where he worked on export policy.
Once a knowledge economy role model for other developing nations, India lost its leading position due to flight of homegrown talent and stiff competition from China
The foreign hand keeps making its appearance every now and then in domestic political discourse, sometimes with good reason but often due to the travails of national leaders.
If it encourages his so-called bhakts and the more rabid members of the Sangh Parivar to read the likes of a Gurajada and appreciate their modernising, humanising patriotism and socially progressive views then Modi would have greatly contributed to the cause of national unity.
There is now an emerging category of Indians migrating out and opting to stay out of India because they feel their motherland no longer wants them. This sense of alienation, especially among minorities, is a disturbing trend.
Countries that turn to the US today, like India, seeking help to check a hegemonic China do so out of compulsion, not choice. Trump’s transactionalism abroad and racism at home have robbed the US of a higher moral purpose in its global role.
To regain global stature, India has to continue to focus on its domestic economic capability and human capital. There are no short cuts to global power and influence.
While cleaning Bollywood of black money and bad influence is a worthy endeavour, the pursuit of political agendas that stifle free expression in the name of nationalism and puritanism, can rob popular culture of its soft power.
Sanjaya Baru writes: It would be interesting to see how many of those who attended Modi's rallies abroad have decided to return home to contribute to India's “atmanirbharata”. Rather, the number of Indians seeking blessings of the Visa God is only increasing by the year, and the non-resident Indian is becoming the not-returning Indian.
India’s priorities and national security concerns have not changed in these past two decades. The elements that shaped the US-India relationship in the first decade of this century remain the defining ones even today.
Sanjaya Baru writes: President Trump is not doing India a favour by wanting to invite it into the new group. As the world's largest free market democracy India deserves to be a member of not just a G-12 but of even a new G-7.
For India to be truly self-reliant and self-confident, public investment in education, human capability and research and development has to increase.
The return of big government and the prospect of a potentially larger role for the state in the economy raises the question, certainly in India, of what it would mean for Centre-state relations, and for national and provincial politics.
In the short term, there will be flight to safety of people worried about a pandemic, as there is of capital during a financial crisis. When normalcy returns, the globalised Indian will fly away once again.
To hide the lack of substance in the relationship the Trump visit will focus on hype and Prime Minister Modi has perfected the art of diplomacy as mass entertainment
There is a view among some policy analysts at home that India too can adopt a “disruptive” approach as a clever tactic in foreign affairs. This is an illusion. Disruption is not an end in itself. It has to be a means to an end. Powerful nations can afford disruption as tactics.
An analytical inquiry into the development experience of some of Asia’s major economies and why there might be ground for optimism
In 1993, the then finance minister, Manmohan Singh, was publicly dismissive of the concern Bajaj and friends articulated about the threat to domestic business from external economic liberalisation.
Rising India narrative is suffering due to re-hyphenation with Pakistan, slowing growth, retreat from RCEP, Trumpism.
What is not recognised is that it is the business of media to reach out to anyone who wishes to seek them out. Lend an ear, but be professional in what and how you report.
Given Xi’s 100-year perspective, both countries have to learn to live with year-to-year bumps while journeying together towards a new Asian Century.
Across Asia, focus is turning to multiple geopolitical quarrels. Western powers are back in play, arbitrating.
A soft solution to the Kashmir dispute has had no takers in India and Pakistan since 2014. The changing global environment may have influenced New Delhi to opt for a hard solution
Resisting the temptation to print money and spend one’s way to growth, the finance minister has opted for incentivising private investment and borrowing abroad.