Kalaiyarasan is assistant professor, Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai
The ongoing elections acquire significance not only because they may define the state and the country’s future, but the limits of the BJP and its Hindutva juggernaut could also be tested
The post-Mandal rise of the Yadavs was confined to the electoral domain; it did not have much impact on their socio-economic status
The judiciary has contributed to the erosion of the reservation system in different ways during the last two years.
The percentage of youth who are currently enrolled in educational institutions is the lowest among Muslims. Only 39% of the community in the age group of 15-24 are enrolled against 44% for SCs, 51% for Hindu OBCs and 59% for Hindu upper castes.
There are substantial inequalities even within Dalits. In addition to the 15 per cent quota, the community should also have reservation based on socioeconomic criteria.
UP government’s bid to revisit reservation model is as debatable as Centre’s move on upper caste quotas
Adivasis in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are doing poorly, economically and educationally.
Muslims face rapid socio-economic decline. Yet, any move in their favour is made to look illegitimate
The state offers an alternative trajectory based on growth, and closing of social, religious gaps.
At the root of the insecurities of Marathas, Jats and Patels lies lack of education and employability
Will they vote as a caste bloc in Gujarat, or will class play a role — for BJP, that’s the question
Marathas in Maharashtra experience a sense of relative deprivation. Reservation is not the solution
Crisis of Haryana’s dominant castes mirrors India’s challenge: Lack of good jobs.