The author is assistant professor of political science, Ashoka University.
The results of the Lok Sabha elections in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have shown both the strengths and weaknesses of regional parties. The elections have also demonstrated that the BJP can continue to expect to expand wherever the Congress remains the main opposition party
Data from Uttar Pradesh suggest the BJP pursued in 2019 the same strategy that helped it sweep the state in 2017: cater to all the groups that are not affiliated traditionally with either the SP or the BSP.
A record 30% of the new Lok Sabha MPs belong to political families. Among states, Punjab and Bihar have the highest proportions of dynastic MPs. Among parties, Congress remains the most dynastic but BJP is catching up, while CPM is the least dynastic. Two political scientists examine the trends and reasons
Election results decoded: The last decade has seen the return of the upper castes and the erosion of OBC representation.
Flagship schemes and Modi’s personality did play their role, certainly. But the delinking of economic realities and political performance raises the thought that there is more to it than government performance and individual leadership.
One finds little discussion on the place or role of citizens, who are depicted mostly as passive recipients of state intervention on the economy. The various flashbacks principally serve to underline the merits of the current administration, using contrast as a tool of comparison.
SP-BSP partnership in UP makes the contest open and competitive in India’s politically most important state
These assembly polls saw conventional campaigns. Congress counts on anti-incumbency, not its own story
Except that the professionalism of the judiciary tends to decrease as one climbs down the judicial institutional ladder.
Drop in Muslim representation in legislatures is related to the rise of the BJP.
What looks like an ideological battle from afar, BJP vs Rest, is an accumulation of local factors on the ground.
What do SP-BSP victories in UP by-polls prefigure for 2019? Not much
What went into the makings of India’s democracy and the crucial role of bureaucratic cogs, big and small, in defining citizenship
The BJP has fallen short of the 150 seats promised by Amit Shah. More worryingly for the party, no regional leader has emerged.
In Gujarat, religious polarisation remains a dominant theme. And caste is back, in a different version
BJP successfully occupied the space of a regional party in the state. Congress strategy is still made in Delhi.
Lines between Congress and BJP are regularly crossed in Gujarat. The BJP gets the advantage
The return to power of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh has led to a resurgence in the representation of the upper castes. The new Assembly consists of 44.3% upper caste MLAs, 12 percentage points more than in 2012, and the highest share in UP Assemblies since 1980.
UP election confirms that caste-centric strategies of parties have been rendered less effective.
With 39.7 per cent of the votes and 75.7 per cent of the seats, the BJP scores the best performance recorded by any party in Uttar Pradesh since the Janata Party victory in 1977.
Women outvote men in many states, but gender parity in Parliament and assemblies eludes India.
UP campaign shows regional parties are courting cross-sectional appeal and the personality cult.
Party symbols are not just convenient signifiers. They serve as vehicles for political identity and style.
Few Uttar Pradesh MLAs get to serve more than one term. This has consequences.
UP assembly shows politics has become more diverse in terms of caste, more homogeneous in class.