C. Raja Mohan is Director, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, and contributing editor on foreign affairs for 'The Indian Express'.
In Myanmar to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries, Xi is expected to nudge his hosts to implement stalled Chinese infrastructure projects, consolidate Beijing’s status as the most important economic partner of Naypyidaw.
The Iranian people, who had apparently rallied behind the flag after the US killing of Soleimani were now turning their rage against the government. The chant “Death to America” a week before were replaced by “Death to the Dictator” in a reference to Khamenei.
Both Trump and Khamenei are realists. There are political constrains on them that limit the pressures of a further escalation of conflict between US and Iran.
Some in Delhi might scoff at the notion of recognising external concerns in the conduct of India’s domestic politics. To be sure, the theory is that all states are sovereign and free to do what they want at home and free to conduct foreign policies as they like.
Delhi might be giving an opportunity to an otherwise divided world, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, to agree in their disapproval of India’s domestic politics.
India must avoid making Pakistan a preoccupation in relationship with UK. It must take advantage of shift in Britain’s international orientation.
With Beijing expanding strategic purpose of its marine research to Andamans, Delhi and its partners should coordinate maritime diplomacy.
There is a bigger challenge for Delhi in dealing with Mauritius. It is the urgent need to discard the deep-rooted perception that Mauritius is simply an extension of India. It is not. It is a sovereign entity with a unique national culture and an international identity of its own.
The return of the Rajapaksas has been widely feared as heralding the renewal of authoritarian rule in Sri Lanka. The election of a strong interlocutor, however, also offers Delhi an opportunity to explore the prospects for a reconstruction of the relationship.
Over the last few years, China and Russia have conducted impressive naval manoeuvres in the Western Pacific, the Baltic Sea and the Mediterranean. The joint exercise with South Africa this week brings the unfolding Sino-Russian naval partnership closer home to India.
After delivering The Fourth Ramnath Goenka Lecture in New Delhi last week, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar sat down with C Raja Mohan, Consulting Editor of The Indian Express, to discuss India’s policies, strengths, and challenges in today’s complex, rapidly changing world.
With a strong government in Sri Lanka, it is time for Delhi to think boldly about its relationship with Colombo.
The Kashmir issue has long dominated the regional framing of India-Pakistan relations within the Subcontinent and beyond. But Punjab, has often shown the possibilities for potentially transformative breakthroughs in bilateral relations.
The Kashmir issue may not vanish from the regional and global agenda, but it is the Pashtun question which will continue to haunt the future of Pakistan and the Subcontinent.
The current juncture in Pakistan is a good moment for India to speak up on Pakistan’s internal developments. Demanding humane treatment for Sharif and Zardari is the least Delhi can do.
Amid India’s intellectual xenophobia of those years, any American scholar like Steve was suspected to be a “CIA Agent”. For the American academics wanting to engage Delhi, “anti-Americanism” appeared to be part of the Indian elite’s DNA.
The ambition of MbS is to diversify the Saudi economy from its historical reliance on the oil business and develop manufacturing and service sectors through liberalisation at home, and deeper integration with the world.
India must recast relations with Nepal on basis of geographic and cultural interdependence, sovereign equality and mutual benefit.
Nepal’s northern border with China is entirely with Tibet, and Beijing sees security cooperation with Kathmandu as critical in controlling the movement of people across this frontier.
The question of Beijing’s support for Islamabad on Kashmir may have dominated India’s recent discourse on China.
Delhi’s overestimation of its leverage with Beijing in the triangular relationship with Washington has unfortunately meant India often chose to voluntarily limit its partnership with the US and its allies.
Over the last couple of years, technology issues have emerged at the front and centre of the deepening Sino-US trade tensions.
Vice-President Naidu’s visit to the Indian Ocean islands should be a moment for Delhi to launch economic, defence cooperation with the littoral.
China is not the first country to move from underdeveloped to developed status. It is the first country to compress that journey into just four decades.
India and the US need to address the vexed issues in trade. This will prepare New Delhi for profound changes in global economic order