C. Raja Mohan is Director, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, and contributing editor on foreign affairs for 'The Indian Express'.
Delhi has successfully managed the changing dynamics between the great powers, and is now in an even better position to do so thanks to the size of the Indian economy.
A pragmatic engagement with NATO must be an important part of India’s new European orientation, especially amidst the continent’s search for a new role in the Indo-Pacific.
General Javed Bajwa’s speech is a recognition of two disconcerting facts—Pakistan’s longstanding neglect of geoeconomics and the steady erosion of its geopolitical significance in the 21st century.
Political stability and policy continuity have helped Delhi and Dhaka deepen bilateral ties over the last decade. In contrast, political cycles in Delhi and Islamabad have rarely been in sync.
Beijing has emerged as the biggest challenge to New Delhi, and the US is increasingly becoming the part of the answer. India’s membership of the Quad is a response to such geopolitics.
Given India’s growing stakes in Afghanistan, New Delhi will take a strong interest in the ambitious new US framework and the multiple challenges that are likely to come up in its implementation.
Not only has the foreign policy elite been unduly suspicious of the US, it has also misjudged India’s agency in shaping the relationship.
We certainly don’t know if the General is being tactical or strategic. Delhi will find that out only by negotiating seriously with the Pakistan army. Yet another failure with Rawalpindi will not surprise Delhi.
As Taiwan becomes the world’s most dangerous flashpoint, the geopolitical consequences for Asia are real.
As governments push back against big tech, a new challenge presents itself — reining in the growing power of the state in the digital age.
India’s real challenge is the deepening domestic political divide. The inevitable extension of this divide to the diaspora has created more favourable conditions for foreign meddling.
World Economic Forum will meet at a time when global economy is in crisis. Delhi should contribute to the framing of new rules to govern international institutions.
Biden team takes charge with the recognition that America's globalist ambitions have lost much domestic political support. For Delhi, this is an opportnity to deepen ties
The bitter legacies of Partition leave the domestic political dynamics of Bangladesh, India and Pakistan tied together and complicate their interaction as separate sovereign entities.
Delhi’s attitudes have also shifted from the reactive to the proactive. That, in turn, should make India’s new stint at the UNSC more purposeful and pragmatic.
In Delhi, the Anglosphere is quickly dismissed as a colonial construct. Those who let India’s colonial past overwhelm its current strategic judgements, however, do great injustice to Delhi’s gains in the international system, in absolute terms as well as relative to Britain.
A strong coalition of Asian and European middle powers must now be an indispensable element of the geopolitics of the East. Such a coalition can’t be built overnight. But Delhi could push for a solid start in 2021.
Delhi needs to appreciate the value of issue-based coalitions in producing more productive outcomes in the technological arena. Such coalitions will complement India’s traditional focus on multilateralism.
Despite contrasting approaches, China and US share goals on environment. In underlining climate change as an important area of engagement with Biden, Delhi has signalled its readiness to deal with a new phase in the global politics of environment.
For now, the question is whether the South Asian states can manage the fallout from the geopolitical churn in the Middle East and seize the new opportunities that are presenting themselves.
The Indian establishment must discard outdated perceptions and seize the new strategic possibilities in the region.
It is unlikely that US President-elect will have bandwidth to weigh in on Kashmir. But Islamabad isn’t giving up.
What stands out from our debates on Biden policies is India’s regrettable under-investment in the study of US society, its political economy and international relations.
Bipartisan agreement in US for overhaul of global order could see creation of a new league of democracies, with consequences for India’s economic prosperity and technological future.
The 2+2 dialogue comes in the backdrop of a structural shift in great power politics and turbulence in the global economic order.