C. Raja Mohan is Director, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, and contributing editor on foreign affairs for 'The Indian Express'.
In an unfortunate paradox, the phenomenal rise of China may have created the very conditions for the demise of the Asian century. That China has become far more powerful than all of its Asian neighbours has meant Beijing no longer sees the need to evoke Asian unity.
If Delhi comes out of this crisis wounded, its troubles at home and the world will mount significantly. But an India that comes out of this confrontation with its head held high, will find its international political stock rising and its options on China expanding.
India must also recognise that China, like the great powers before it, wants to redeem its territorial claims, has the ambition to bend the neighbourhood to its will, reshape the global order to suit its interests.
The ground reality has not been altered by India’s constitutional changes. It is being changed by the PLA’s growing military capabilities and the political will to use them.
The real challenge for Delhi in managing its expansive territorial dispute with Beijing, then, is to redress the growing power imbalance with China.
It is only by building a series of overlapping bilateral and minilateral platforms for regional security cooperation that Delhi and Canberra can limit the dangers of the growing geopolitical imbalance in the Indo-Pacific.
It should bet that the logic of Nepal’s economic geography, its pursuit of enlightened self-interest, and Kathmandu’s natural balancing politics, will continue to provide a strong framework for India’s future engagement with Nepal.
Those calling for direct engagement with the Taliban say that Delhi can't ignore such an important force in Afghan politics. Opponents say there is no reason for Delhi to join the international stampede to embrace the Taliban.
Whatever the fate of the resolution, the wide-ranging support it has got amidst the vocal Chinese opposition is impressive.
Significant political contestations within the US and between the US and China to reform, reorient or bypass the WTO system are at hand. All major economies will be drawn into this conflict.
The Foreign Office is merely following other professions that are adapting to restrictions on travel across borders and within them by the corona crisis.
Imran Khan's indecisive leadership in handling the corona crisis may have tipped the scales for Pakistan’s deep state that has always treated the civilian leaders with disdain.
The corona crisis threatens to write the obituary of global capitalism. It will have a lasting impact on national economic strategies and politics.
As the virus and China move to the top of the US domestic agenda, their impact on Washington’s relations with Beijing is bound to be significant. And unlike Russia, China is far more central to the US economy and a powerful political challenger to America’s global leadership.
India needs all the pragmatism it can muster to pursue its interests in a world where all the major global institutions — from the WHO to the WTO — are experiencing unprecedented turmoil and are heading towards an inevitable restructuring.
Although all world leaders have acknowledged the global imperative in dealing with the virus, they have put the nation first. Are all nations now for themselves? Not so fast.
The case for China’s culpability is based on the principles of state responsibility and Beijing’s alleged failure to respect the obligation, under the 2005 International Health Regulations, to notify the world on the outbreak of the epidemic.
China has carefully calibrated its rise in UN system. World, including India, must deal with consequences.
Coronavirus crisis is an opportunity for Delhi to build on domestic technological capabilities in artificial intelligence, big data analytics, life sciences and health technology in the private sector.
This crisis could have a lasting impact on the global political economy, trigger new equations among nations