The writer is chairman, Economic Advisory Council to the PM. Views are personal.
If you scrutinise the schedules, you will find non-manufacturing items in China’s miscellaneous list, but many manufactured items in India’s miscellaneous list (light engineering, plastic manufactures, cement, agricultural implements, paper). By any yardstick, the 1954 agreement was one-sided.
In 2020, farmers have beaten drums and utensils, used DJ-s and burst firecrackers to ward off locusts — in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Punjab, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. But that’s not the same as disseminating information about locust invasions through the beating of drums.
No country has done universal testing for a proper random sample either. The ICMR has told us more than 75 per cent of Indian patients will be asymptomatic. Who do we test? Those who show symptoms, those who have been in contact with confirmed patients and those who suffer from severe respiratory diseases. Most countries do something similar.
We may need to overturn normalised spectres that govern our relationship with insects. With global population headed towards nine billion, humans will perforce seek out other sources of food. Food habits aren’t constant over time.
Let’s not forget that one of the successes of the government, since 2014, has been containment of inflation, dramatically stated in Economic Survey using thaalis.
Unification has been recommended by several committees. The Prakash Tandon Committee recommended a single service. The Gupta-Narain Committee (1994), set up to examine feasibility of implementing this single service idea, questioned whether this could be done.
Departmentalism is worse than it was in the 1950s. And much worse than it was in 1905, when the Railway Board was formed. However, the Railway Board went through a major change in 1951. It was time for another change in 2019 and HR reform feeds into that.
The performance of fast-track courts was mixed. The new special courts should take that record into account.
It is this perception that has changed. That’s the reason we no longer need amendments to the Boilers Act. We no longer need that specific legislation and the specific entry in Seventh Schedule. Boilers are only an example. The entire Seventh Schedule needs a relook.
Why should then there be CSSs for items in the State List (such as health)? If the Union government should contribute for health because it is nationally important, why should states not contribute for defence?
Ascribing legal rights to rivers helps counter pollution, may revive water bodies.
Many people will probably give up writing by hand and either type, or dictate to their favourite form of technology. However, for those limited few who still prefer to write by hand, I am happy the fountain-pen still survives. I don’t mean the high-end pens alone, there are several brands that are relatively cheap.
There is no economic evidence to support the notion of middle-income trap.
The Kendrapara model worked as it provided access to placement networks, even though those were informal. Formal training institutes are now challenging such on-the-job teaching avenues.
Is there a correlation between popularity of Chulbul Pandey or ‘Singham’ and absence, or presence, of moustache allowances in states?
What is sacrosanct about the office timing of 9 am to 5.30 pm? Without disrupting the IST, surely it is possible to have working hours, and office-hours in the Northeast from 8 am to 4.30 pm?
Defining and counting beggars, vagrants and religious mendicants remains a conundrum
It needs an enabling ecosystem. The present regime has attempted to provide just that.
Latest data shows that the Swachh Bharat Mission has initiated a behavioural change in most parts of the country. It seems irreversible.
India must offer unique services, not just depend on low-cost production
Archaic laws, more recent state legislation do not address the most important issue: What should their role be?
Many give false evidence under oath, but complex laws and reluctance to initiate proceedings make prosecution a rarity.
When it was enacted, Section 377 was lenient compared to its predecessors
There is little data in India on the number of bee colonies and bee-keepers, or the honey produced.
Bengaluru municipality’s new pet licensing laws are beset by the familiar failing of public policy — confusion and multiplicity of objectives