The writer is professor, Govind Ballabh Pant Social Science Institute, Allahabad
Shifts in political choice are not the outcome of election campaigns alone, but a result of the long-term developmental strategies adopted and delivered by the BJP
Badri Narayan writes: It retains the support of its voter base, has been working hard on the ground to build social alliances.
Badri Narayan writes: Political parties may be either in the soft or hard Hindutva fold, but everyone needs to demonstrate their Hindutva affiliation. This has become clear in the run-up to UP elections.
Badri Narayan writes: It won’t help party at UP polls next year if the attempted Dalit-Brahmin political alliance is not backed with a social alliance.
For a deepening of democracy in the country, we need to embrace subaltern narratives of participation in India’s freedom struggle as part of the mainstream.
Badri Narayan writes: With weakening of Bahujan movement, there’s greater assertion of separate caste identity.
A new diction and vocabulary may emerge and get prominence in the framing political narrative of the country, particularly in northern India
Educated followers may indeed read his texts and use his arguments and visions for the emancipation of marginal communities, but Ambedkar appears in many different ways in the ordinary life of Dalits
It has turned the heterogeneity of Hindu culture into its strength
The attempt by mainstream Hindutva politics is to over-emphasise these marginal and contested memories, establish them as sites for “believers” and use them as symbols of cultural nationalism .
The Bihar assembly election may have various implications for the long-term Dalit politics in the state. It indicates a transition which may yield a new leader.
Unlike in UP, Dalit politics in Bihar continue to be dependent on mainstream parties. The Ambedkarite radical consciousness is weaker in the Dalit politics of Bihar and Dalit assertion at the grass roots continues to be weak.
Hindutva politics, thus, is increasingly becoming influential due to its engagement with the non-political but socio-culturally and religiously powerful public spheres associated with the Hindu religion.
The social memories created by the Hindu religion, and the Hindutva version of Ambedkar’s symbol, are creating a situation where the Hindutva parivar is easily accessible to a section of the larger Dalit community.
The RSS and its various affiliates enter slums through running schools, organising medical camps, etc. RSS shakhas are also expanding their footprint among the urban poor by giving them a “Hindu” identity.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is nudging electoral politics in a new direction.
The impressive success of the BJP and the failure of gathbandhan in UP may have far reaching consequences for Indian politics. Political parties may have to redefine the politics of social justice in north India.
Dalit-Bahujan alliance is a riposte to the BJP’s national security centred discourse.
Mayawati's sacrifice has elevated her stature above other leaders of the gathbandhan. Her decision is a signal of sorts to the partners that should the situation arise, they should support her candidature for the PM’s post.
By placing Priyanka Gandhi in UP, Congress is trying to reclaim an old bastion
Congress could prove to be a spanner in the works of the SP-BSP alliance
These efforts may lead to the formation of “samagra Hindutva” — the BJP’s recently-framed strategy for the 2019 election
Even as Mayawati tries to sideline him, Chandrashekhar’s Bhim Army is expanding
It’s part of the party’s strategy to attract Dalits and marginalised communities.
Song, drama and literature play a role. Ambedkar, the symbolism around him, is at its centre.