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Why defence, security dimensions become increasingly central to India-UAE ties

Alongside the growing partnership with the UAE, how has India been careful in balancing relations with other regional countries, including Saudi Arabia? How has the situation in West Asia, since the October 7 attacks on Israel and the latest war involving the US-Israel and Iran, created new challenges for India's relations in the Gulf? 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al NahyanPrime Minister Narendra Modi with UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan during a ceremonial reception, in Abu Dhabi. (@NarendraModiYT via PTI Photo)
9 min readNew DelhiMay 28, 2026 10:37 AM IST First published on: May 27, 2026 at 07:05 PM IST

— Md. Muddassir Quamar 

In recent years, bilateral relations between India and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have acquired a more strategic dimension, especially as the two countries have begun developing closer cooperation mechanisms to address the impact of evolving developments in West Asia.

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During Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the UAE on May 15, 2026, en route to his trip to four countries in Europe, the two sides acknowledged the steady and strong bilateral defence cooperation as an important pillar of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. 

What are the factors that contributed to bilateral relations acquiring a more strategic dimension? What are the other major areas of focus of the PM’s visit? What are the other key sectors where India and the UAE have worked closely to strengthen the bilateral ties? 

How India-UAE ties acquire strategic dimension

Traditionally, India–UAE cooperation in the defence and security domain was confined to bilateral exercises between the armed forces, maritime security, and counterterrorism cooperation. Gradually, they were expanded to include regular exchange of visits between the armed forces, stronger maritime, and coastal security cooperation, intelligence sharing and closer cooperation in counterterrorism and combating radicalism.

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However, in recent years, strategic, defence and security dimensions have become increasingly central to the bilateral ties. One of the major factors that propelled this cooperation was the signing of the Abraham Accords in September 2020, which increased the discourse around normalisation of relations between Israel and Arab countries. India, with its close ties to both Israel and Arab countries, was viewed as an important international link that could catalyse peace, stability, and prosperity in West Asia.  

Hence, some important developments involving India, the UAE, Israel, and other regional countries took place. For example, the I2U2 (India, Israel, the UAE and the US) emerged as a forum for advancing cooperation in food and energy security with a futuristic agenda. 

Similarly, the India, Middle East, Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), launched in September 2023, plans to tap the connectivity potential of the Gulf and West Asia to strengthen trade, business and investment cooperation between India, the Arabian Gulf, the Mediterranean region, and Europe.

How West Asia conflicts reshape India’s Gulf strategy 

Moreover, the regional situation, since the 7 October 2023 attacks by Hamas on Israel and the ensuing wars in the Gaza Strip, Lebanon, Yemen, Israel-Iran proxy conflict and the latest war involving the US-Israel and Iran, has created new challenges for India’s relations in the Gulf. 

The regional situation has rapidly deteriorated since the February 28, 2026 attacks by the US and Israel on Iran. The war was initially projected as a swift military operation to bring regime change in Iran, end its nuclear programme, and eliminate the support for Iran’s regional proxies. 

However, Iranian resilience proved this assumption wrong as the regime not only withstood the joint US-Israel onslaught but also inflicted serious disruption to regional stability. Despite the significant loss of lives and massive damage to its critical infrastructure, Tehran responded by targeting Israel and the GCC countries while also blockading the Strait of Hormuz.

The Gulf’s changing security landscape

The targeting of GCC countries and the blockading of the Strait of Hormuz have created a new dimension of regional insecurity, especially for the Arab Gulf states, which have traditionally depended on external security guarantees for peace and stability, at the core of their economic growth and prosperity. 

This insecurity has pushed the regional countries to diversify their external security partnerships while also seeking renewed defence and security relations with their traditional partners. Important regional actors, especially countries like Saudi Arabia, have begun to see the regional security situation with increased scepticism. 

More so, because of the growing conflict between Israel and Iran, involving proxies and their belligerent behaviour vis-à-vis the security of other regional countries and a complete disregard for peace and stability, has forced the GCC states to widen the scope of their security and defence partnership with important international actors.

Incidents such as the Iranian and Israeli attacks on Qatar in June and September 2025 and the Iranian targeting of the GCC countries in retaliation against the US-Israel attacks on Iran have created a new dynamic in the Gulf region wherein the external security guarantor, the US, has become a source of insecurity for the Gulf region, instead of a security provider. 

Hence, in September 2025, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA), which included a mutual defence clause stating that an attack on one would be treated as an attack on the other. The two countries have since worked to broaden the scope of this defence agreement by seeking to bring Egypt and Türkiye into a broader regional defence pact. However, such multi-country defence agreements have hardly succeeded in West Asia in the past.

India’s expanding partnership with the UAE 

The growing proximity between India and the UAE, especially in defence and strategic dimensions, has also raised the possibility of developing a more formal defence cooperation. During the visit of the UAE’s President, Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, to New Delhi in January 2026, India and the UAE signed a Letter of Intent (LoI) on defence partnership. During PM Modi’s visit in May, the two sides signed a Strategic Framework Agreement on defence cooperation to further strengthen Indo-UAE defence collaboration.

In addition to defence, energy security was another major focus of the PM’s visit. The UAE has been an important partner in India’s energy security, including in terms of crude oil, LNG and LPG supplies. 

Indian companies have also entered into long-term contracts with Abu Dhabi National Oil Company Gas (ADNOCGAS) for the supply of 4.5 MMTPA of LNG to India. The UAE is also the largest source of India’s strategic oil reserves. During Prime Minister Modi’s visit, the two sides also agreed to promote new initiatives for a comprehensive energy partnership.

Additionally, India and the UAE have worked closely to strengthen trade, business and investment relations, as well as to develop strong people-to-people contacts that form the bedrock of bilateral ties. The UAE is one of India’s largest trading partners and among the top 10 sources of foreign direct investment (FDI) into India. 

The many pillars of India-UAE relations

In addition, Indian expatriates are the largest non-national group in the UAE and form a vibrant, professional community engaged in all sectors of the economy, as well as in entrepreneurial activities. Indian businesses are engaged in a myriad of sectors, including trading, retail, real estate, construction, engineering, transport and logistics, hospitality, education, healthcare, supply chain, IT, entertainment, and recreation, among others. 

The strong people-to-people engagements, trade, business, investments and energy cooperation are complemented by notable cooperation in food security, as India is one of the top suppliers of food and agricultural products to the UAE. The latter also serves as a re-export hub for Indian commodities to the wider Gulf and the West Asian region.

In this context, several high-level visits between the two countries attest to their growing proximity. Prime Minister Modi’s recent visit was his eighth to the Gulf state since his first visit in August 2015. Besides, President Mohammed bin Zayed has visited India three times since becoming president in May 2022, and five times over the past decade. 

India’s balancing approach in West Asia

Bilateral relations are embedded in shared interests and common worldviews that prioritise peace, prosperity, stability and sustainable development. Notwithstanding the growing partnership with the UAE, including its defence dimension, New Delhi has been careful in balancing relations with other regional countries, including Saudi Arabia.

India has been consistent in its approach despite Saudi Arabia’s defence pact with Pakistan and Iran, and despite the Iranian belligerence in the Persian Gulf affecting India’s energy security, trade and business relations with the GCC countries. This is important to safeguard India’s multifaceted political, diplomatic, strategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic interests in the Gulf and the wider West Asia. 

Post read questions

India-UAE relations have evolved from an economic partnership to a comprehensive strategic partnership.

Discuss.Examine the growing strategic and defence dimensions of India-UAE relations in the context of changing geopolitics in West Asia.

How have developments in West Asia since October 2023 affected India’s relations with the Gulf countries? Analyse.

How is the changing security architecture of the Gulf region influencing India’s strategic engagement with the UAE and other GCC countries?

India’s approach in West Asia is marked by strategic balancing rather than strategic alignment. Discuss with reference to its relations with the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Israel.

(The author is an Associate Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.)

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(The author is an Associate Professor of Middle East studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, N... Read More

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