UPSC Key: Constitutional Morality, Justice Varma quits, and Cost of Healthy Diet

— What is the process of impeachment of a judge in the Supreme Court? How is it different for a High Court judge?

— What are the constitutional provisions related to the impeachment of the judges?

— What are the challenges facing the Indian judiciary?

— Suggest measures need to be taken to address challenges faced by the Indian judiciary system.

— Who was the first judge in India to be impeached?

— What happens to all the corruption charges if the judge facing impeachment resigns?

— What are the grounds of impeachment?

— What role do parliamentary Houses and presiding officers play in the impeachment of High court judges?

Key Takeaways:

— With Justice Varma’s resignation — via a letter addressed to President Droupadi Murmu — the investigation by a Lok Sabha committee under the Judges Inquiry Act, 1968 also comes to an end, preventing what could have been the first impeachment of a judge of a constitutional court.

— Upon resignation, a judge is entitled to the same pensionary benefits as a judge who superannuates from service. Justice Varma was due to retire in 2031.

— With his resignation, the future course of action over allegations levelled against him enters uncharted territory. Legal experts said that resignation is a step towards foreclosing a possible impeachment motion.

— This is not the first time that a judge facing allegations has opted to resign from office. In 2011, the Sikkim High Court Chief Justice P D Dinakaran resigned from office, expressing “lack of faith and confidence” in the three-member committee examining complaints against him.

— However, while the threat of an impeachment motion ends, other legal methods could still be looked at by the government but that may require assent of the judiciary. For any court to take cognisance of an offence by a judge (for actions from the time that he held office), the Chief Justice of India would be required to grant sanction for prosecution.

Do You Know:

— The process of impeachment of a judge of the Supreme Court is laid down in Article 124(4) of the Constitution of India. Article 218 says the same provisions shall apply in relation to a judge of the High Court as well. Article 124(4) states that a judge can be removed by Parliament through a laid-down procedure on only two grounds: “proved misbehaviour” and “incapacity”.

— A Judge of the SC or HC is removed from office when at least two-thirds of those “present and voting” in both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha vote in favour of removing the judge. The number of votes in favour must be more than 50% of the “total membership” of each House. If Parliament passes such a vote, the President will pass an order for the removal of the judge.

Other Important Articles Covering the same topic:

📍How Justice Yashwant Varma’s resignation stops impeachment probe into ‘burnt cash’ row

📍Knowledge Nugget: Amid Justice Varma cash at home row, why should UPSC aspirants revisit ‘Three Judges Cases’?

Previous year UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme:

(1) Consider the following statements: (UPSC CSE 2019)

1. The motion to impeach a Judge of the Supreme Court of India cannot be rejected by the Speaker of the Lok Sabha as per the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968.

2. The Constitution of India defines and gives details of what constitutes incapacity and proved misbehaviour’ of the Judges of the Supreme Court of India.

3. The details of the process of impeachment of the Judges of the Supreme Court of India are given in the Judges (Inquiry) Act, 1968.

4. If the motion for the impeachment of a Judge is taken up for voting, the law requires the motion to be backed by each House of the Parliament and supported by a majority of total membership of that House and by not less than two-thirds of total members of that House present and voting.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1 and 2 only

(b) 3 only

(c) 3 and 4 only

(d) 1, 3 and 4 only

Previous year UPSC Mains Question Covering similar theme:

Critically examine the Supreme Court’s judgement on ‘National Judicial Appointments Commission Act, 2014’ with reference to appointment of judges of higher judiciary in India. (UPSC CSE 2017)

EDITORIAL

A modest plea for constitutional morality

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Indian Polity and Governance – Constitution, Political System, Panchayati Raj, Public Policy, Rights Issues

Mains Examination: General Studies-II: Constitution of India —historical underpinnings, evolution, features, amendments, significant provisions and basic structure.

What’s the ongoing story: Pratap Bhanu Mehta writes: According to reports, the solicitor general, in submissions before the Supreme Court in the Sabarimala case, has expressed scepticism about the judicial use (constitutional morality) of the term in recent judgments.

— What is constitutional morality?

— What is the significance of constitutional morality for our democracy?

— Who coined this term?

— How is the concept of constitutional morality observed by the Indian Supreme Court?

— What are the important rulings in this regard?

— Disregarding the morality of the constitution can have significant ramifications for democratic processes. Analyse.

— How are liberty and equality to be reconciled with the autonomy of institutions?

Key Takeaways:

— There is, to be sure, a legitimate criticism to be made of some of its uses. For many, including this columnist, the term is not a judicial standard of adjudication.

— In an earlier formulation (“What is Constitutional Morality”, Seminar 615, November 2010), I had suggested that constitutional morality refers, instead, to the formal virtues of a constitutional sensibility: Self-restraint, respect for plurality, deference to processes, scepticism towards authoritative claims of popular sovereignty, and a commitment to an open culture of criticism that lies at the heart of constitutionalism.

— But the context of the present attack matters. It should be clear that the critique of “constitutional morality” is not offered in service of the Constitution. It is, rather, part of a broader attempt to hollow it out.

— One may concede that “constitutional morality” is indeterminate and that it cannot, by itself, yield a standard of adjudication. Yet it has at least this virtue: It gestures towards the kinds of reasons that ought to be in play in adjudication.

— In a case like Sabarimala, it invites us to ask: How are liberty and equality to be reconciled with the autonomy of institutions? When does a practice so burden the standing of members that their civic equality is compromised? These are difficult questions, but they are the right questions.

— By contrast, invoking “societal morality” in this context does not advance an argument; it forecloses one. It is less a reason than a refusal of reason, a device to insulate social practices from scrutiny.

— It is no accident that the objection to “constitutional morality” has been most strenuously voiced in cases like Navtej Singh Johar v Union of India, where entrenched social prohibitions were tested against the constitutional commitments to freedom and equality.

— “Constitutional morality” may not tell us what the right answer is in Sabarimala, how textbooks ought to be written, or which voters possess valid documentation. But it can still serve as a diagnostic.

— It alerts us to the presence of arbitrariness and unaccountable power; to moments when freedom and equality are treated with suspicion; to instances where a court ceases to enable reason and instead begins to immobilise it.

Do You Know:

— Constitutional morality entails the adherence to constitutional norms within a democratic system. It goes beyond the literal interpretation to encompass a commitment to values such as sovereignty, social justice, and equality in constitutional adjudication.

— The term was first coined by British historian George Grote in his twelve-volume work, A History of Greece. Grote discussed the reforms of the Athenian Constitution by Cleisthenes – a statesman regarded as the founder of Athenian democracy.

— He emphasised the need for a constitution that could instil a sense of civic responsibility among citizens and prevent the usurpation of power by oligarchs and despots through coercion.

— In essence, constitutional morality embodies the balance between freedom and restraint. That is, citizens submit to constitutional authorities and, at the same time, have the freedom to criticise those in power.

— On November 4, 1948, Dr. BR Ambedkar used the term constitutional morality during his speech in the Constituent Assembly on ‘The Draft Constitution’. He supported the incorporation of the administrative framework into the constitution and quoted classicist Grote in his remarks.

— But constitutional morality is now commonly used to refer to the substance of a constitution itself. According to this perspective, being subject to constitutional morality means being subject to the substantial moral implications inherent in a constitution. For instance, the principle of non-discrimination is often viewed as a key component of contemporary constitutional morality.

Other Important Articles Covering the same topic:

📍Constitutional morality: Definition, origin and challenges

Previous year UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme:

(2) Constitutional government means (UPSC CSE 2021)

(a) a representative government of a nation with federal structure

(b) a government whose Head enjoys nominal powers

(c) a government whose Head enjoys real powers

(d) a government limited by the terms of the Constitution

Previous year UPSC Mains Question Covering similar theme:

‘Constitutional Morality’ is rooted in the Constitution and founded on its essential facets. Explain the doctrine of ‘Constitutional Morality’ with the help of relevant judicial decisions. (UPSC CSE 2021)

LPG shock could impact nutrition outcomes

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance

Mains Examination: General Studies-II: Indian Economy and issues relating to planning, mobilisation, of resources, growth, development and employment

What’s the ongoing story: Dipa Sinha and Kalyani Raghunathan wrote: The ongoing war in West Asia has resulted in an LPG crisis in India. The disruption in supplies has led to higher prices, panic buying, long queues and black-marketing. Reports have also indicated a reduction in output of small industries reliant on LPG, and of migrant workers in cities like Delhi, Mumbai and Surat starting to return to their villages, reminiscent of the Covid lockdown.

— What are the reasons for the LPG crisis?

— What are the steps taken by the government to overcome it?

— What is food inflation?

— How is the LPG crisis affecting multiple sectors of the economy?

— What is the Cost of a Healthy Diet (CoHD)?

— What are the long term measures that need to be taken to avoid such a crisis?

— What is the base effect? What is the new base year for GDP?

— What is disposable income?

Key Takeaways:

— What are the implications of this supply reduction on access to and preparation of a diet that meets India’s nutritional guidelines? There are both direct and indirect effects. The rising cost of cooking fuel immediately raises the costs of preparing meals.

— This is not insignificant; according to the nationally representative Household Consumption Expenditure Survey (HCES) data from 2023-24, fuel and light constitute 6.1 per cent and 5.6 per cent of total monthly per capita expenditure in rural and urban areas respectively, close to the amount spent on medical expenses or education.

— There are also several knock-on effects. India is heavily dependent on imports for both finished fertilisers and raw materials. The disruption to fertiliser supply chains — combined with rising costs of mechanisation and transportation — is likely to increase the costs of cultivation substantially, leading to the risk of food inflation.

— These could erode access to a healthy diet. Even prior to this crisis, healthy diets were unaffordable for many. We use the HCES 2023-24 to estimate the Cost of a Healthy Diet (CoHD), which is the minimum daily rupee amount one would need to spend to meet the ICMR’s food-based dietary guidelines.

— We estimate the national average CoHD for a non-vegetarian diet at Rs 73.1 per person per day in 2023-24, suggesting that between 25 to 49 per cent of the population could not afford the raw cost of the foods that would make up a healthy diet, depending on which threshold one used.

Sensibly, the government has prioritised domestic supply over industrial (and restaurant) use and has sought alternative imports.

— However, preparing a meal includes other costs beyond the raw food costs, such as the cost of spices and, more importantly, of fuel. When these costs are accounted for, the CoHD increases by about Rs 9.5, of which Rs 6.5 comes from the cost of the fuel used to prepare the meal. This means that the proportion of the population who cannot afford a healthy diet increases to 32-62 per cent, depending on the affordability threshold used.

— What should be the way forward? Our research highlights the importance of expanding the focus to include dietary diversity as well as other accompanying factors…In the immediate term, expanding the scope of social safety net programmes to subsidise the cost of nutritious foods…

— Continued support through schemes like the PMUY is critical, as is the inclusion of migrant populations within its ambit, even if only temporarily. In the longer term, the availability of nutritious foods could be enhanced through agriculture policies.

— In a country with a high and stubborn level of malnutrition, such shocks could have immediate effects on people’s health and nutrition outcomes. We must not lose sight of the need for nutrition security if we are to weather this storm.

From the Explained Page: How the war will hit India’s growth, and your wallet

— India’s real economic growth rate is expected to dip below the crucial 7% mark in the current financial year thanks to the war in Iran, according to a new assessment by the World Bank.

— On February 27, the Indian government had updated the way it estimated its economic growth. The most significant change was the use of a new base year (2022-23).

— While the new gross domestic product or GDP was lower in the new data series, a silver lining was the fact that in each of the years in the new GDP data series, the growth rate of India’s real GDP (that is, economic growth after taking away the effect of inflation) was above 7%.

— The World Bank has also provided a detailed breakdown about how different components of India’s growth will be affected. Typically, the GDP of a country is generated by four main engines:

• The expenditures by private individuals for their own consumption (C) — this includes everything from food to cars to train tickets;
• The expenditures made by companies towards their businesses (these are called investments)
• The expenditures that the government makes for its daily running e.g. salaries and fuel bills etc.
• The net effect of exports (X) and imports (M); exports bring money into the country and add to the GDP and imports do the opposite.

— The biggest deceleration in the overall GDP is likely to happen via the deceleration in the growth of private consumption, which is also the biggest engine of growth in any year, accounting for almost 55% to 60% of India’s total GDP.

— The growth in “investments” by companies — second biggest engine, contributing almost 30% of total GDP in a year — too are likely to slow down thanks to all the uncertainty prevailing in the markets.

— The government’s own expenditure, too, is likely to be constrained because it is already over-stretched on its total borrowings and with oil prices staying elevated, the subsidy bill is likely to rise further.

— Last, while exports are expected to continue to grow at the same rate, imports are likely to increase at a faster clip and the net effect is expected to drag down India’s GDP further.

Other Important Articles Covering the same topic:

📍Knowledge Nugget: New series of GDP estimates with base year 2022-23 released. What you need to know for UPSC exam

📍West Asia conflict: Energy market turmoil could linger for months

UPSC Prelims Practice Question Covering similar theme:

(3) Consider the following statements regarding Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG):

1. LPG is naturally colourless and odourless.

2. A stenching agent is added to LPG so that leaks can be easily detected.

3. India depends on imports to meet around 60% of its LPG requirement

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1 and 2 only

(b) 2 and 3 only

(c) 1 only

(d) 1, 2 and 3

EXPLAINED

‘Difficult to replace the Gulf as a supply source’

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance.

Mains Examination: General Studies-II, III: Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on India’s interests, Indian diaspora; Infrastructure: Energy, Ports, Roads, Airports, Railways etc

What’s the ongoing story: Ajay Singh, an energy and shipping executive based in Tokyo, tells Anil Sasi that even if the ceasefire holds, restarting and stabilising production and exports from the Persian Gulf could possibly take weeks. Singh, who is a former Shell and Japan Petroleum Corporation executive with considerable experience of West Asia, also explains why the US and Venezuela cannot replace the Gulf as a supply source even in the long run.

— What is the significance of the Strait of Hormuz?

— Know about India’s dependence on the Strait of Hormuz

— How is the price of petrol determined in India?

— Know about the difference in crude oil of Venezuela and the US

— What is a maritime chokepoint?

— What are the major maritime chokepoints?

— What is the extent of territorial waters?

— What is the difference between Transit Passage and Innocent Passage?

Key Takeaways:

— A ceasefire has been announced but it is still unclear whether all three warring countries are fully on board, and whether it will fully take effect and hold. That is essential for substantial oil and gas exports through the Strait of Hormuz to resume. Disagreements have been reported among the parties concerned about the terms of the ceasefire.

— We need to bear in mind that there are around 500 tankers and gas carrier ships stuck on either side of the Strait of Hormuz, which could make for a sort of maritime traffic jam. Moreover, production across various oil and gas fields, refineries and LNG plants had been reduced and even shut down in many cases. Restarting and stabilising production and exports will take several days, possibly weeks.

Iran has effectively blockaded the Strait of Hormuz, the chokepoint through which 20–25 per cent of global oil supply normally flows.

— Meanwhile, further stoppage of oil and gas exports via Hormuz, beyond the six weeks that have already elapsed, raises the prospect of much higher and prolonged rise in prices and a global recession. So, reopening the Strait of Hormuz rightly became the pressing central issue. Reports from Washington and Islamabad indicate that China nudged both sides toward a ceasefire.

— Even in the long term, it is unlikely that the US along with Venezuela can substantially displace the Persian Gulf as a supply source. Moreover, the cost of production of oil and gas in the Persian Gulf region is the lowest in the world, and diversification of supply sources dictates continuing to buy substantial volume from there.

— As an economic cost it would not be unviable, if reports of the proposed toll effectively working out to $1/barrel of crude oil are correct. But it is a major political question.

— Unlike waterways such as the Suez Canal and the Panama Canal, which are human-made assets built within the territories of Egypt and Panama respectively, straits are natural waterways and there is generally no toll charged for transit through them.

— There is an exception in case of the Bosporus and the Dardanelles — straits which lie within the territory of Turkey — where a special international treaty, the Montreux Convention, allows Turkey to levy a toll.

— I suppose such an arrangement could be worked out in the case of the Strait of Hormuz. But this should be through a broad agreement among countries that would be affected, such as major petroleum supplier and buyer nations, and in exchange for strong and enforceable guarantees that transit would not be interfered with in future for whatever reason.

From the Ideas Page: Hormuz is a strait of high stakes, where law and leverage collide 

—  Arun Prakash writes: The Strait of Hormuz is, today, the epicentre of a global economic and maritime crisis. Following the unprovoked US-Israeli attack on Iran on February 28, the waterway now has the status of a “war zone”, placing severe restrictions on the passage of global shipping.

— Impacting nearly 20 per cent of the world’s oil and 25 per cent of LNG trade, this is the most significant disruption to global energy supply since the 1970s.

— An overwhelming majority of global trade travels by sea, and while the oceans may appear vast, the compulsions of safe and expeditious transit tend to funnel shipping traffic through a set of narrow waterways, termed “maritime choke points” — constricted channels that connect major seas.

— By controlling access to vital seas, these choke points have, historically, amplified naval power projection, turning geography into a force multiplier for maritime powers.

— In the current scenario, US President Donald Trump’s obsession with acquiring Greenland, and regaining control of the Panama Canal Zone may arouse derision, but it is rooted in strategic concern regarding the control of choke points, particularly in the context of rising competition with China and Russia.

— Greenland happens to be the northern anchor of the strategic Greenland-Iceland-UK (GIUK) Gap, a narrow transit corridor that is the primary exit for Russia’s Northern Fleet from its Arctic bases.

— Since nations had taken to arbitrary extensions of territorial waters, order and regulation were restored by the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which fixed the limit of “territorial waters” at 12 miles.

— Maritime choke points have, however, created a hurdle to the established principle of freedom of navigation because they often fall within the territorial waters of one or more states.

— To prevent global commerce from being held hostage by geography, two legal regimes were adopted by UNCLOS for shipping to negotiate territorial waters. One was the concept of “Innocent Passage” that allows a vessel to pass through the territorial waters of a state, subject to stringent restrictions on movement and activities, including suspension of passage.

— A similar right, termed “Transit Passage”, was created, applicable only to international straits, granting freedom of navigation solely for the purpose of continuous and expeditious transit of global trade. Unlike in the case of innocent passage, the coastal state cannot suspend or hamper transit passage in any way, nor can it discriminate between flags.

— The Strait of Hormuz, connecting the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, qualifies as a “strait used for international navigation” under UNCLOS. The entire navigable corridor of this strait falls within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman. Iran signed the UNCLOS in 1982, but has not (like the US) ratified it so far.

— Having deliberately chosen to apply the restrictive Innocent Passage clause, Iran’s closure of the Strait brings it into direct conflict with the UNCLOS regime of Transit Passage, designed precisely to prevent such a unilateral blockade of strategic straits.

— For India, the Strait of Hormuz is no mere waterway but a vital “jugular vein”, whose closure or disruption poses a grave threat to national security, economic growth and domestic stability. The continuation of this conflict also evokes the unthinkable spectre of a “mushroom cloud” over the region.

Do You Know:

— The Strait of Hormuz lies between Oman and Iran, linking the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea. It is between 48 and 80 km wide (35–40 kilometres at its narrowest point), with only a few kilometres available for actual shipping lanes.

Other Important Articles Covering the same topic:

📍Knowledge Nugget | 10 Strategic Middle East locations amid the Iran, US-Israel War every UPSC aspirant must know

📍Hormuz is a strait of high stakes, where law and leverage collide 

Previous year UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme:

(4) In the context of global oil prices, “Brent crude oil” is frequently referred to in the news. What does this term imply? (UPSC CSE 2011)

1. It is a major classification of crude oil.

2. It is sourced from the North Sea.

3. It does not contain sulfur.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 2 only

(b) 1 and 2 only

(c) 1 and 3 only

(d) 1, 2 and 3

Global concerns vs national interest: Why India lost interest in hosting COP33

Syllabus:

Preliminary Examination: Current events of national and international importance

Mains Examination: General Studies-III: Important International institutions, agencies and fora- their structure, mandate

What’s the ongoing story: It was in December 2023, during the COP28 climate meeting in Dubai, that Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered to host the 2028 edition of this annual meeting in India. A public and explicit offer to host a COP meeting, five years in advance, and that too from a head of state, was extremely rare, and was a clear indication that India was looking to play a more active role in international climate affairs, and take a leadership role.

— What is the purpose of the COP meeting?

— Has India hosted any COP meetings in the past?

— What is the Paris Agreement?

— What are the criticisms related to the Paris Agreement?

— Who will host the COP 31 this year?

— What were the major outcomes of the COP30?

— Where was it held?

— What are the steps taken by India to combat climate change?

— What is the Global Stocktake (GST)?

Key Takeaways:

— India’s own positions on climate related issues evolved significantly during this time, and it became increasingly evident that as host and president of a COP meeting, it would have to champion causes that could come in conflict with its own stated positions and national interest.

— As a result, India has decided not to pursue this matter any further and not bid for COP33 when the time comes, later this year, to begin the process for picking up the host for 2028.

— There has been growing acknowledgment of the fact that the international climate regime, represented by the Paris Agreement, continued to remain heavily stacked against developing countries, particularly a country like India which has a large emission footprint but a compelling need for more carbon space to ensure greater prosperity to its people.

— Consequently, in matters of climate and energy policy, there has been a clear attempt by India in the last few years to prioritise long-term national interest over global climate concerns.

— India even began questioning the very foundations of Paris Agreement, arguing that pursuing an arbitrarily-defined temperature goals (1.5 or 2 degree Celsius targets) was probably not the best way, and certainly not the only way, to deal with climate change.

— India had begun to argue for a development-first approach, hoping to get on a trajectory similar to that of China, which in the last three decades unabashedly prioritised growth and development to reach a position from where it can make meaningful contributions on climate without hampering its national interests.

— India has been pressing for the full implementation of Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement, a largely overlooked finance provision that states that developed nations “shall provide”, not just ‘mobilise’, financial resources for developing countries.

— On India’s insistence, the COP30 meeting in Brazil last year was forced to establish a two-year work programme to discuss all pending matters on climate finance, including Article 9.1.

— Having taken these positions, it would have been extremely difficult for India to steer the negotiations at COP33. The host and president of the COP meetings is expected to champion the effective implementation of the Paris Agreement, not question its core foundations.

— This predicament would have been particularly pronounced in COP33 because that meeting is due to carry out the second Global Stocktake (GST) to assess the progress being made on Paris Agreement targets.

— GST is an important exercise set up under the Paris Agreement , to be carried out at five-year intervals, to ensure that the world does not lose sight of its goal and adjusts the ambition of its climate actions to achieve these.

— The first GST was held at COP28 in Dubai and the second one is due in 2028. Considering that the world is currently nowhere close to the pathway that will achieve the Paris Agreement targets, COP33 would need to deliver an outcome that would result in substantial increase in climate ambition, an unlikely scenario.

— As host and president, it would have been India’s responsibility to get such an outcome delivered. India’s own positions and actions would have come under greater scrutiny.

— The under-preparation seventh assessment report (AR7) of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) worsened India’s predicament. Work on AR7 began last year and it is due to be published in 2029.

— But there are demands from some countries to expedite the publication of the main report, and its summaries, by 2028 itself, so that it can feed into the GST process.

— India, along with some other countries including China, have been opposing an early publication of the IPCC AR7 report, arguing that many developing countries, with fewer resources, would have lesser time to review the report.

— India’s opposition to the early publication, however, appears motivated mainly by concerns that it will increase pressure on countries like itself to do more on climate. As host and president of the COP supervising the GST process, it would be difficult for India to oppose the early publication. It would be seen as an obstructionist approach.

Do You Know:

— The 30th edition of the Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP30), the annual two-week climate talks, was held in Belem, Brazil in November 2025.

— The Presidency has framed the conference as the “implementation COP,”—was meant to focus less on what the world must do, rather on how to make it all happen.

— The conference ended with the adoption of the Belem Political Package. However, the final statement diverged significantly from the earlier draft by removing references to a fossil fuel phase-out and instead focusing on a two-year process to negotiate climate finance, including Article 9.1 obligations. India has welcomed the key outcomes from the conference.

— The Paris Agreement obligates the developed nations to both “provide” finance (Article 9.1) as well as “take the lead in mobilising climate finance” (Article 9.3) for developing countries. These two are related but independent obligations. One does not negate or take precedence over the other.

— Turkiye will be the host country of COP31 next year. Australia and Turkiye both expressed their interest in hosting the COP31. Interestingly, the host for COP is not decided by vote. It has to be a consensus decision. That means one of the candidates has to eventually withdraw.

Other Important Articles Covering the same topic:

📍Knowledge Nugget: What happened at COP30 in Brazil? 10 key takeaways for your UPSC Exam

Previous year UPSC Prelims Question Covering similar theme:

(5) Consider the following statements: (UPSC CSE 2025)

Statement I: At the 28th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28), India refrained from signing the “Declaration on Climate and Health”.

Statement II: The COP28 Declaration on Climate and Health is a binding declaration; and if signed, it becomes mandatory to decarbonize health sector.

Statement III: If India’s health sector is decarbonized, the resilience of its health-care system may be compromised.

Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?

Select an option to attempt

(a) Both Statement II and Statement III are correct and both of them explain Statement I

(b) Both Statement II and Statement III are correct but only one of them explains Statement I

(c) Only one of the Statements II and III is correct and that explains Statement I

(d) Neither Statement II nor Statement III is correct

Previous year UPSC Mains Question Covering similar theme:

Describe the major outcomes of the 26th session of the Conference of the Parses (COP) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)? What are the commitments made by India in this conference? (UPSC CSE 2021)

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PRELIMS ANSWER KEY

1. (c)  2. (d)  3. (d)   4. (b)  5. (c)

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