UPSC Essentials | Daily subject quiz: Think you can solve these UPSC History questions for Prelims 2026? Take today’s quiz (week 150)

2. Mahatma Gandhi criticised B.R. Ambedkar in Young India for adopting confrontational methods during the Mahad Satyagraha.

3. The Lakshminarayan Temple at Wardha was opened to the Depressed Classes in 1928, and subsequently, the Congress reconstituted the Anti-Untouchability Subcommittee with Madan Mohan Malaviya as president and Jamnalal Bajaj as secretary.

How many of the above statements are correct?

(a) Only one

(b) Only two

(c) All three

(d) None

UPSC Relevance: Understanding such movements is crucial for aspirants as questions on social reformers, their organisations, and their methods frequently appear in Prelims. It also helps in linking personalities, events, and institutional efforts in the broader context of the struggle against caste discrimination in modern Indian history.

Explanation:

By the 1920s, scattered and localised challenges to caste had coalesced into an explicit demand for civic rights in various parts of India. Ambedkar saw the movement of the so-called “untouchables” or the Dalits in two stages: protest and petitioning, followed by open revolt through direct action. In this context, as Tufan Bhaskar Awatale notes in Dalit Studies (2026), “As an instance of direct action, Mahad Satyagraha was a watershed moment of Dalit assertion.”

Also known as the Mahad Agitation, it was centred on the right of Dalits to draw water from public sources. Mahad, a small town in the Kolaba district of the Bombay Presidency, had a largely caste Hindu population, with fewer than 400 Dalits among 7,000–8,000 residents. The Chawdar tank, a municipal public tank at the heart of the town, was the only accessible water source for outsiders, yet Dalits were barred from using it.

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This exclusion persisted despite legal reform. The 1923 Bombay Legislative Council resolution, proposed by SK Bole, granted Dalits access to state-funded public wells, tanks, and institutions. Though accepted by the government and adopted by the Mahad Municipality in 1924, it remained largely unenforced due to upper-caste resistance: “The resolution of the Municipality remained a mere gesture… owing to the hostility of the caste Hindus,” writes Awatale.

Against this backdrop, over 2,500 Dalits gathered at the Mahad Conference from 19–20 March, 1927 under Ambedkar’s leadership. On March 20, they resolved to assert their rights collectively by marching to the Chawdar tank. As historian Anupama Rao writes in The Caste Question (2009), “When three thousand people gathered in the town of Mahad on March 19, 1927, for nonviolent public action… they were testing a resolution.”

The satyagraha was organised by the Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha, founded in 1924 by Ambedkar to promote education and social reform among the Depressed Classes.

March 20, 2026 marked the 99th anniversary of the 1927 satyagraha. To commemorate it, a major beautification of the Chavdar Tale area has begun, with leaders performing the Bhumipujan. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis will also be present at the site.

In his presidential address at the Mahad Conference, Ambedkar said, “there is a great similarity between our meeting today and the revolutionary national assembly that took place on 5 May 1789 at Versailles in France.”

Assessing this comparison, Teltumbde notes, “The formation of the National Assembly in France led to events that changed the course of world history. Mahad may have said to have changed the course of the Dalit movement. It set the attitude and orientation of the post-Mahad Dalit movement, influencing the events that followed, positive as well as negative…”

Perhaps prompted by Gandhi, Jamnalal Bajaj, a millionaire and his close confidant, opened the Lakshminarayan Temple in Wardha to the Dalits in 1928. The following year, the Congress reconstituted the Anti-Untouchability Subcommittee with Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya as president and Bajaj as secretary. The cause of temple entry would also be pursued by the Congress over the next decade.

In his newspaper Young India, Gandhi wrote in support of Ambedkar for leading a Satyagraha at Mahad, commending the Dalits for their ‘self-restraint’ and praising his leadership in refusing to be provoked by a stick-wielding mob of caste Hindus.

• Statement 1 is correct.
• Statement 2 is incorrect: Gandhi actually supported Ambedkar in Young India, praising the discipline and restraint shown during the Mahad Satyagraha.
• Statement 3 is correct.

Therefore, option (b) is the correct answer.

QUESTION 2

With reference to C. Rajagopalachari, consider the following statements:

1. He was highly respected by Mahatma Gandhi, who referred to him as his “conscience keeper.”

2. He served as the Home Minister under Jawaharlal Nehru during 1950–51.

3. He actively supported temple entry movements for marginalised castes.

4. During the Quit India Movement, he fully supported Gandhi’s call for immediate mass struggle.

5. He proposed a Congress–League agreement, known as the “Rajaji Formula,” which was accepted by both Gandhi and Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

How many of the above statements are correct?

(a) Only two

(b) Only three

(c) Only four

(d) All five

UPSC Relevance: Studying such personalities is important for aspirants as UPSC frequently asks factual and analytical questions linking leaders with events, ideas, and political positions. It also helps in understanding ideological differences within the national movement, a recurring theme in modern Indian history questions.

Explanation:

C Rajagopalachari was among Mahatma Gandhi’s closest associates. One of the earliest movements he supported was the Rowlatt Satyagraha in 1919. The following year, the Non-Cooperation Movement gathered momentum in Tamil Nadu under his leadership. CR gave up his lucrative legal practice and committed himself fully to the programme — boycotting elections, educational institutions, government posts, and official titles.

In April 1930, he led the Salt Satyagraha in the South, marching from Trichy to Vedaranyam on the Tanjore seaboard.

Yet Rajagopalachari did not shy away from dissent. During the Quit India Movement in 1942, he publicly disagreed with Gandhi. “There is no reality,” CR declared, “in the fond expectation that Britain will leave the country in simple response to a Congress slogan.” Instead, he argued that a Congress–Muslim League understanding was the “golden key.”

While Gandhi acknowledged the nobility of the aim of unity, he described CR’s proposal as wholly unnatural. He later wrote that there would be no more “wordy warfare” in the press.

In the weeks that followed, C Rajagopalachari laid before Gandhi a proposal for a Congress–League agreement that came to be known as the Rajaji formula. Gandhi said he would assent to it.

Gandhi speaking to Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari during the Gandhi-Jinnah talks at Birla House, Mumbai, September 1944. (Wikimedia Commons)

The plan required the All-India Muslim League to cooperate with the Indian National Congress in forming a provisional national government, provided Congress agreed to abide by a plebiscite on the question of Pakistan. The formula set down that the plebiscite be held after the transfer of power from Britain, in contiguous Muslim-majority districts in the North-West and East of India. In the event of separation, it proposed mutual agreements to safeguard defence, commerce, communications, and other essential interests.

In April 1944, Rajaji informed Muhammad Ali Jinnah of the Mahatma’s acceptance of his Pakistan proposal. As Jinnah studied the document, CR waited for a favourable reply. It did not come. Jinnah quickly realised that CR’s conception of Pakistan was smaller than the League had claimed and was contingent on a plebiscite and a treaty of separation. “Your scheme does not satisfy me,” Jinnah told CR.

CR was also a leading advocate of temple entry for marginalised castes. In August 1938, when M. C. Rajah, one of the South’s foremost Dalit leaders, introduced a Bill to remove social disabilities imposed on the community, CR, as Premier of Madras, gave it his full backing. The legislation made discrimination in employment, access to wells, public conveniences, schools, and colleges a punishable offence.

CR also promised Rajah support for a measure allowing worshippers, by majority vote, to open temples to the Dalits. Later, however, he limited its application to the Malabar district. Why the caution? Rajmohan Gandhi suggests that he may not have wished to provoke orthodox opposition while already facing sustained criticism over the Hindi issue. Disappointed, Rajah declared, “I have been deceived,” yet he continued to support the Malabar Temple Entry Bill, which passed in September 1938 despite strong opposition.

CR had served as Home Minister under Jawaharlal Nehru (1950–51). By the mid-1950s, however, he grew concerned that Congress’s dominance could undermine democracy, believing that the party increasingly pursued statist and centralising policies.

In Rajaji’s view, the burden of opposition must be borne by a “brake” party that could correct the statist policies of the Congress: “The only Opposition that can be a true democratic balance to the ruling party in Delhi is a conservative party…” The new party was formed in August 1959 as the Swatantra Party, or Freedom Party. Rajaji, however, preferred to describe it as a constitutional rather than a conservative party.

• Statements 1, 2, and 3 are correct.
• Statement 4 is incorrect: he disagreed with Gandhi during the Quit India Movement.
• Statement 5 is incorrect: while Gandhi was open to the proposal, Jinnah did not accept it.

Therefore, option (b) is the correct answer.

QUESTION 3

With reference to Sun Temples in India, consider the following pairs:

1. Modhera Sun Temple — Gujarat

2. Martand Sun Temple — Jammu and Kashmir

3. Katarmal Sun Temple — Uttarakhand

Which of the pairs given above are correctly matched?

(a) 1 and 2 only

(b) 2 and 3 only

(c) 1 and 3 only

(d) 1, 2 and 3

UPSC Relevance: Though this appears to be an easy question, UPSC often tests aspirants by focusing on lesser-known temples rather than obvious ones like Konark Sun Temple. It highlights the need for aspirants to prepare beyond famous examples and develop a comprehensive understanding of art and culture topics.

Explanation:

Konark Sun Temple, Odisha: A UNESCO World Heritage Site, the 13th century Konark Temple is shaped like a colossal chariot drawn by seven horses. Its stone wheels, pillars, and sculptures celebrate the grandeur of the Sun God, Surya.

Katarmal Sun Temple, Uttarakhand: Located near Almora, this lesser-known 9th-century temple sits at an altitude of 2,100 meters.

Martand Sun Temple, Jammu and Kashmir: Built by King Lalitaditya in the 8th century, this temple showcases a unique blend of Gandharan, Gupta, and Kashmiri architectural styles, now preserved as evocative ruins near Anantnag.

Modhera Sun Temple, Gujarat: Built by King Bhima I in the 11th century, this temple is known for its intricately carved stepwell and mandapa that align perfectly with the sun’s rays during equinoxes.

Suryanar Kovil, Tamil Nadu: One of the Navagraha temples, Suryanar Kovil is dedicated to Surya and is a Dravidian architectural marvel. It stands out for its vibrant gopuram and detailed deity carvings.

Therefore, option (d) is the correct answer.

QUESTION 4

With reference to the relations between Sikkim and the East India Company, consider the following statements:

1. The Treaty of Titalia restored territories to Sikkim that had been annexed by Nepal.

2. The provisions related to granting trading rights and access to the Tibetan frontier to the East India Company were linked to the broader regional settlement following the Treaty of Yandabo.

3. The Treaty of Tumlong required Sikkim to recognise British suzerainty and allowed the appointment of a British political officer in Gangtok.

Which of the statements given above are correct?

(a) 1 and 2 only

(b) 2 and 3 only

(c) 1 and 3 only

(d) 1, 2 and 3

UPSC Relevance: Such questions test aspirants’ ability to link treaties with regions and understand the gradual expansion of British control in frontier areas like Sikkim. They also highlight how UPSC frames statements by mixing correct facts with similar-sounding treaties like the Treaty of Yandabo to test conceptual clarity.

Explanation:

The British Empire’s influence on Sikkim was multifaceted, encompassing diplomacy, conflict and modernization. Warren Hastings, the first Governor-General of India, recognized the geopolitical importance of Sikkim as early as 1774 when Captain

Samuel Turner was sent to negotiate trade relations with the kingdom. Turner’s mission marked the beginning of Anglo–Sikkimese relations, although substantial British influence would not emerge until the mid-1800s.

Under the Treaty of Titalia between Sikkim and the East India Company (EIC) in 1817, Sikkim regained territory annexed by Nepal and in return pledged allegiance to British India in exchange for protection. Sikkim also gave the EIC trading rights and access to the Tibetan frontier. This agreement essentially underscored Sikkim’s role as a client state under British hegemony.

The mid-nineteenth century witnessed increased friction, culminating in the Anglo–Sikkimese War of 1861 and the Treaty of Tumlong, further subordinating Sikkim. The treaty mandated that Sikkim recognize British suzerainty and allow for the establishment of a British political officer in Gangtok, effectively institutionalizing colonial oversight.

British interference in Sikkim’s internal affairs also exacerbated internal tensions. The monarchy faced challenges from the Lepcha, Bhutia and Nepali communities, each vying for political and economic dominance. British policies, particularly those favouring one ethnic group over another, often deepened these divides. The introduction of land revenue systems disrupted traditional agricultural practices and disproportionately affected the peasantry.

Educational initiatives, although limited, introduced Western-style schooling, creating a small but influential class of English-educated elites. These changes, however, were primarily designed to serve British interests rather than to uplift the local population. But by the early twentieth century, the British Empire’s hold over Sikkim began to wane as global geopolitical dynamics shifted. The rise of Indian nationalism and the eventual independence in 1947 reshaped Sikkim’s political landscape. Although Sikkim remained a protectorate under India, its history under British influence laid the groundwork for its eventual integration into the Indian Union in 1975.

• Statement 1 is correct.
• Statement 2 is incorrect: the trading rights and access to the Tibetan frontier were part of the Treaty of Titalia (1817), not linked to the Treaty of Yandabo (1826).
• Statement 3 is correct.

Therefore, option (c) is the correct answer.

QUESTION 5

With reference to European trading companies in India, consider the following question:

The Danish established their first trading post in India at which of the following places?

(a) Serampore

(b) Tranquebar

(c) Masulipatnam

(d) Pulicat

UPSC Relevance: Questions on European trading companies are a recurring theme in Prelims, often testing knowledge of lesser-known players like the Danish alongside the British, French, and Dutch. Such factual mapping of places like Tranquebar and Serampore helps aspirants tackle tricky elimination-based questions in modern Indian history.

Explanation:

In November 1618, a Danish fleet sailed from Copenhagen on what was, at the time, the most ambitious overseas expedition ever attempted by the Danish crown. The destination was Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka), where the Kandyan ruler sought an alliance with another European power to counter Portuguese dominance on the island.

17th-Century Danish map of Tranquebar (Wikimedia Commons)

The plan, however, unravelled soon after the expedition reached South Asia. Instead of securing a foothold in Ceylon, the Danes eventually established their first trading post in India at the small coastal town of Tranquebar (now Tharangambadi) in present-day Tamil Nadu.

Tranquebar marked the beginning of a brief and largely forgotten chapter of Danish colonialism in India. Beyond this small Tamil enclave, Danish influence extended — if only fleetingly — to Serampore in Bengal, to Balasore and Pipli in Odisha, and to the distant Nicobar Islands. It is in Tranquebar, however, that the faded imprint of Denmark endures most visibly: in the town’s austere colonial architecture and in the quiet presence of India’s first Protestant church.

Therefore, option (b) is the correct answer.

Previous Daily Subject-Wise-Quiz

Daily subject-wise quiz – International Relations (Week 154)

Daily Subject-wise quiz — History, Culture, and Social Issues (Week 149)

Daily subject-wise quiz — Polity and Governance (Week 154)

Daily subject-wise quiz —  Science and Technology (Week 153)

Daily subject-wise quiz — Economy (Week 153)

Daily subject-wise quiz — Environment and Geography (Week 153)

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