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Beyond Trending: What is strategic ambiguity?

China’s response to the US-Israel war against Iran has largely been muted. But experts note that the ripple effects on its economic and diplomatic interests in the region prompt Beijing to shed its “usual strategic ambiguity”.

Strategic ambiguity, China, the US, West AsiaFrom Left to Right: US President Donald Trump, China President Xi Jinping and Iran's supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei. (Express photo)

Amid a fragile ceasefire in West Asia, tensions continue to smolder around the Strait of Hormuz  – a critical chokepoint for global energy supplies. Slowdown in shipping, episodic attacks on commercial vessels, and the US’s growing naval presence have prompted countries like China to reconsider their response to the Iran war.

Beijing’s response to the US-Israel war against Iran has largely been muted. But experts note that the ripple effects on its economic and diplomatic interests in the region prompt China to shed its “usual strategic ambiguity”

Defining strategic ambiguity

Strategic ambiguity is defined as the intentional use of vague communication or policy positions that are open to multiple interpretations. In international relations, such ambiguity is deliberately used to avoid explicit commitments in order to maintain uncertainty and flexibility in dealing with adversaries and allies. 

Being cross-disciplinary in nature, strategic ambiguity as a concept derives from studies in political science, international relations, organisational communication, etc. For instance, communication expert Eric M. Eisenberg defines it as “those instances where individuals use ambiguity purposefully to accomplish their goals”.

Thus, key characteristics of the concept include:  

Purposeful vagueness: The ambiguity is deliberate, not accidental.

Multiple interpretations: Different interpretations of the same message, position, stance, etc.

Goal-orientation: The strategy is used to achieve certain strategic objectives. 

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In the domain of diplomacy, strategic ambiguity is also referred to as “constructive ambiguity” – a term attributed to US diplomat Henry Kissinger. In The Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Diplomacy (2012), G R Berridge and Lorna Lloyd described constructive ambiguity as “the deliberate use of ambiguous language in a sensitive issue in order to advance some political purpose.” 

Interestingly, this concept became the hallmark of the Oslo Accords, along with the numerous protocols, memorandums, and other micro-initiatives derived from it, says Khaled Elgindy, a nonresident fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.

Benefits and limits of the strategy

Moreover, the relationship between China, Taiwan, and the US offers an enduring example of strategic ambiguity in international relations. In 1979, the US formally recognised the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and severed formal ties with Taiwan. But the US maintains its ‘One-China Policy’ with its “unofficial” relations with Taiwan.

The strategy helps the US keep both China and Taiwan uncertain about its goals, thereby deterring the two sides from changing the status quo. The situation can be compared to China’s strategy in West Asia, where it prefers to operate from the shadows.

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However, prevailing tensions in the region point to the limits of strategic ambiguity. As China’s expanded economic, as well as diplomatic, stakes deepen, silence becomes increasingly difficult. Its recent statements that the world must not revert to the “law of the jungle”, alongside the condemnation of the US naval blockade of Iranian ports as a “dangerous and irresponsible act”, are interpreted as a marker of departure from studied ambiguity. 

Thus, while strategic ambiguity provides flexibility and room for manoeuvre, it also has its limits, particularly when core interests are at stake. 

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Ashiya Parveen is working as Commissioning Editor for the UPSC Section at The Indian Express. She also writes a weekly round up of global news, The World This Week. Ashiya has more than 10 years of experience in editing and writing spanning media and academics, and has both academic and journalistic publications to her credit. She has previously worked with The Pioneer and Press Trust of India (PTI). She also holds a PhD in international studies from Centre for West Asian Studies, JNU. ... Read More

 

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