From the 1921 coup to the present unrest: Why Iran’s protests have revived the debate on the Pahlavi regime

The moment carries a historical irony. The last comparable mass mobilisation in Iran culminated in the overthrow of the Pahlavi monarchy itself, which ruled the country from 1925 to 1979. Emerging from early 20th-century instability and intense power rivalry among the great powers, the dynasty presided over rapid modernisation alongside deep political repression. It combined ambitious nation-building with authoritarian rule and a constant reliance on foreign support.

Setting the stage for the Pahlavis

Before the Pahlavis came to power, Iran was ruled by the Qajar dynasty, which governed the country since the late 18th century. By the turn of the 20th century, Qajar authority had weakened considerably, leading to a chaotic political situation. Unlike its longstanding neighbour, the Ottoman Empire, Iran failed to modernise its military, leaving it vulnerable to foreign intervention.

Consequently, during World War I, despite having declared neutrality, Iran became a theatre of conflict among major Western powers. Even before the war, Tehran had been incapable of defending itself against British or Russian incursions. Eventually, the two powers partitioned the country into spheres of influence. While Russia dominated the north, Britain exerted control over the southeast, adjacent to India.

When Iran attempted to resist Anglo-Russian dominance by tilting towards Germany and Turkey, it was drawn further into the conflict. The contending armies destroyed property, killed civilians, contributed to famine, and spread epidemic diseases. According to historian Michael P Zirynsky in his paper “Imperial Power and Dictatorship: Britain and the Rise of the Reza Shah, 1921–1926” (1992), overrun by foreign powers, nearly a quarter of Iran’s population died during the war.

“Neutral Iran suffered a greater proportionate mortality than did any belligerent country, except perhaps Serbia,” Zirynsky told The Indian Express in an interview.

After the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Anglo-Russian understanding in Iran collapsed. Britain, alarmed by the spread of Bolshevik influence and its possible implications for India, sought stability along Iran’s northern frontier. With Russian officers withdrawing from the Persian Cossack Brigade, British officials encouraged its reorganisation under a reliable local commander to eliminate Bolshevik influence.

It was in this context that Reza Khan, a senior officer in the brigade, emerged as a key figure. In February 1921, he led a military coup in Tehran. Many historians believe the coup was encouraged by the British, and it eventually propelled him to power.

Iran under Reza Shah Pahlavi

Little is known about Reza Pahlavi’s early life before the coup. Historians attribute his rise to a combination of factors, including his forceful personality and imposing physical presence. Born into a low-ranking military family, he received limited formal education.

Zirynsky observed that Reza Pahlavi was extraordinarily tall and strong, features that may have drawn the attention of the British. He was also known for his firm command over his officers.

Coronation of Reza Shah Pahlavi (Wikimedia Commons)

In Iran and the Rise of Reza Shah (2000), historian Cyrus Ghani noted that one factor that brought Reza Khan to the attention of senior Iranian officials and the British was that he was already conspiring to distance himself from Russian officers. “As a patriot, he was surely disturbed by the rebellions and secessionist movements in Northern Iran openly supported by the Bolsheviks,” Ghani wrote.

Following the 1921 coup, Reza Pahlavi was appointed commander-in-chief of the Iranian army. From the outset, he was locked in conflict with the then-prime minister, Zia ol Din Tabatabaee. By 1923, he had become prime minister himself, and two years later, through careful political manoeuvring, he overthrew the Qajar dynasty and was crowned Shah of Iran.

Reza Pahlavi projected himself as the heir to Iran’s ancient imperial past. At his coronation in 1926, the crown placed on his head was reportedly modelled on that of the fourth-century Sassanian king Shapur the Great.

Reza Pahlavi is best known, however, for his modernisation drive. Jahanbegloo said the Shah was deeply inspired by the reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Turkey, the only country Reza Pahlavi ever visited abroad.

It was under Reza Shah that the ideals of Iran’s 1909 Constitutional Revolution were finally institutionalised. “The intellectual elite who were crucial in bringing about the revolution was very much influenced by the French revolution and the writings of the renowned philosophers like Rousseau, Voltaire and the like,” Jahanbegloo said.

Under Reza Pahlavi, many members of this elite were given prominent positions within the state.

During his 16-year rule, the Shah undertook rapid modernisation efforts, including the creation of a centralised bureaucracy, a national army, railways, roads, and a secular legal and education system. He promoted Westernisation through dress reforms, curtailed clerical authority, and reshaped public life along European lines. The veil was forbidden.

Jahanbegloo recalled that his grandmother, who came from a traditional background, was forced to abandon her headscarf and instead wear a hat and manteau.

At the same time, Reza Shah ruled through authoritarian means. Political parties were suppressed, the press silenced, and parliament weakened in the name of order and national unity. Dissent was met with imprisonment, exile, or coercion, as power became increasingly concentrated in the monarchy and the security apparatus. “The ruling elite was liberal-minded, but the regime itself was not liberal,” Jahanbegloo said.

The Shah was deeply inspired by the reforms of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Turkey, the only country Reza Pahlavi ever visited abroad. (Wikimedia Commons)

Zirynsky cited an anecdote from British archives illustrating the Shah’s violent temperament. Referring to a horse race in which Reza Pahlavi had participated, he said: “Disappointed about his horse not winning, the Shah is known to have attacked the winning jockey.” Even his son, Mohammad Reza, later described his father in a book as “one of the most frightening men” he had ever known.

By the 1930s, Reza Shah had lost British support due to his pro-Nazi Germany leanings. By the early 1940s, hundreds of German technicians and advisers were working in Iran, alarming the Allied powers. In September 1941, Reza Shah was forced to abdicate and was replaced by his son, whom the Allies considered more pliable. He died in exile in 1944.

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the fall of the monarchy

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi differed sharply from his father in temperament and upbringing. Educated at an elite Swiss school, he spoke English and French and had a more Western orientation. As Shah, he was “terribly indecisive, and naive”. Jahanbegloo observed that these traits were largely responsible for the monarchy’s collapse in 1979.

After World War II, Mohammad Reza increasingly aligned himself with the US, which replaced Britain as the principal guarantor of his regime. American support became especially critical after the 1953 coup that removed then-prime minister Mohammad Mosaddegh, who had spearheaded Iran’s oil nationalisation. Although Britain initiated the coup, it was executed with American backing. Thereafter, the Shah’s survival became closely tied to US support.

Crown prince Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in 1926 (Wikimedia Commons)

Mohammad Reza continued his father’s modernisation project, though in a less overtly coercive manner. Nevertheless, repression persisted. The secret police force established under his rule, SAVAK, became notorious for torturing political prisoners and suppressing dissent. Secularisation policies further alienated the Islamic clergy.

Over time, opposition to the Shah coalesced across ideological lines. Leftist groups and the Islamic right, otherwise deeply divided, converged in their rejection of the monarchy and Western influence in Iran. This alliance culminated in mass protests that swept Iranian cities in early 1978, paralysing the state and eroding the regime’s authority.

In January 1979, the Shah and his family fled the country, ending more than five decades of Pahlavi rule. Three months later, Iran was declared an Islamic Republic, with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini assuming power as its first Supreme Leader. Nearly half a century on, as Iranians once again take to the streets, the legacy of the Pahlavis has returned to public debate, not as a relic of the past, but as a contested alternative in an uncertain present.