Why Sandeep Pathak is the ‘backstabber’ Arvind Kejriwal didn’t see coming

That meeting, to many, provided as clear – or as ambiguous – a picture of Pathak’s role in the AAP as any: a seemingly apolitical man, an IITian like Kejriwal, who had risen quickly to the top, to the rare privilege in the AAP of having the supremo’s ear.

It was quite a journey for the PhD from Cambridge University, whose area of research had been photovoltaic cells, who had taught as Assistant Professor at IIT-Delhi for a while, and who came to the AAP just about a decade ago. The early blush of Kejriwal’s bloom, which had drawn eminent people from across various fora such as Pathak to the AAP, had started wilting by then. But Kejriwal’s star was at its peak, having swept to power in Delhi in 2015.

A leader influential in the AAP at the time introduced Pathak to Kejriwal. And, by all accounts, the AAP chief took a quick liking to the bespectacled 46-year-old, with grey, unkempt hair, and a preference for white shirts, who spoke numbers and data, giving him a special place in a party with few resources to spread around. In time, Pathak would become the AAP’s first general secretary (organisation).
Speaking about the April 23 meeting between Kejriwal and Pathak, an AAP insider explains: “Pathak’s task as general secretary (organisation) was to be in contact with leaders who were suspected to be talking to the other side.” So that evening, the AAP chief called Pathak over to his then Ferozeshah Road residence, and for over two hours, the two discussed how to stop the leaders, as well as identify others who may be thinking of jumping ship.

Another AAP leader says: “A few Punjab MPs had called on Arvindji during the Special Session of Parliament (over the women’s quota amendment Bill) to convey that they were facing immense pressure to join the BJP. Some of them had had their premises raided, while others claimed they had been warned of similar action from Central agencies.”

The leader says that Kejriwal told them he understands their problem, but that they should not succumb to pressure. “He said they would be elevated to the Rajya Sabha again, but should not join the BJP.”

Pathak, as per the AAP source, came over to Kejriwal’s with data sets, party organisation lists and contact details – all of which he, in fact, had put together as the AAP’s numbers guy, doing surveys on bankable political issues and ticket aspirants, across elections.

“Arvindji and Sandeep brainstormed. From the party’s legislative strength across the country, to the identification of leaders who could be vulnerable and how they could be retained, is understood to have been discussed. In the end, Pathak was given the responsibility of ensuring that specific leaders from among the rebel Rajya Sabha MPs were convinced to stay,” the source says.

Which is to say that the AAP chief was completely blindsided when Pathak emerged on a dais with Kejriwal’s other former blue-eyed boy, Raghav Chadha, and Ashok Mittal, to announce that they were leaving the AAP.

Others in the party claim to be not as surprised, pointing to Pathak’s family’s “political affiliations with the BJP” in Chhattisgarh, where he initially oversaw the AAP’s affairs.

Talking about his swift rise, a party insider says that just about a year after he had joined the AAP, Pathak made a shrewd move. As the AAP looked at Punjab seriously, “he approached Arvindji, expressing his wish to conduct ground-level surveys which could help the party assess potential candidates” in the state.

When the AAP emerged as the second-largest party in Punjab, in its electoral debut in the state, Pathak’s star shot up. “His research was seen to have borne fruit, cementing his role as Arvindji’s behind-the-scenes data navigator,” says the AAP leader.

Pathak’s shine lasted a while, as he pitched in with analyses leading to the AAP’s second consecutive win in Delhi in 2020, and its victory in Punjab in 2002. In Punjab, he had also helped build the AAP’s political organisation from scratch.

Kejriwal expressed his admiration by nominating Pathak, who got married in 2017, to the Rajya Sabha, as well as to the post of general secretary (organisation) in 2022.

As an MP, Pathak’s record has been mixed: 78.95% attendance, 242 questions, membership of one committee, but zero Bills tabled or any notable participation in a debate.

The poll honeymoon also soured. If the victories were laid at Pathak’s door, so were the defeats. The party failed miserably in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, especially in Delhi. More was to follow in the Capital. “Despite Pathak’s analyses and surveys, especially on candidates, the AAP lost both the 2023 MCD and 2025 Delhi Assembly polls. Pathak, however, stayed on, more or less, as the chief of the party’s organisation,” a source says.

This meant that though Pathak “still enjoyed the national leadership’s trust”, the organisation and cadre lost faith, as per the source. “Questions were openly asked about why he remained in his position while several others in organisational roles similar to his had stepped down on their own, taking responsibility for smaller losses.”

According to the source, this realisation that his days may be numbered, the AAP’s struggles, and “fear of cases” made Pathak cross over. “He did so and retained his Rajya Sabha berth,” says the source.

There is another detail about the Ferozeshah Road meeting that may be haunting Kejriwal. The residence where he met Pathak had originally been allotted to Mittal as Rajya Sabha MP. Among the seven rebels now, Mittal gave it to Kejriwal to stay in, as the AAP chief awaited suitable accommodation after being voted out of power.

On April 24, Kejriwal was shifting into his new home when the news of the rebellion came in.