Swapan Dasgupta: ‘TMC treats South Kolkata as its fief. Will ensure entitlement is short-lived… No SIR effect in Rashbehari’

What are the issues this time?

There is only one real issue – the future of Bengal. Are we going to be a state which will descend into complete irrelevance nationally or will we recover our self-esteem and mojo?

For 50 years, we have suffered de-industrialisation and economic irrelevance in parts. In the past five years, around 6,000 companies have left the state. We once stood second only behind Maharashtra in terms of the Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP), now we are 22nd.

There are no jobs. If the youth say they will vote for someone who can provide a better future, I agree with them. Our endeavour is to show them that you have tried everyone and this time, vote for someone who does not manufacture battles with the Centre.

We want to progress on par with the rest of the country.

How do you think the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls will impact the polls?

It has no effect in my constituency. Across the state, the deletions include those who have died, moved away or are duplicate voters.

We are not ones who vote on the behalf of dead voters between 4pm and 5pm on voting day. While we are not organisationally capable of exploiting this, there are parties which are inordinately dependent on such votes. They will be impacted by the SIR.

What do you think about your rival from the TMC?

We have very different styles of politics. My style is to bring about fundamental change in the lives of the people. I do not want to comment on the credentials of my opponent. TMC leaders often have a style which centres around disbursement of favours and make people dependent on the political machinery.

While syndicates, tolabazi (extortion), and commissions are important for the TMC, these things have no space in our politics.

Given that Rashbehari is seen as a TMC stronghold, what are the BJP’s chances here?

The TMC was born in South Kolkata, which includes places like Rashbehari, Bhabhanipur and Ballygunge. They have treated these places like their fief. We are determined to ensure that this entitlement is short-lived.

The TMC has taken the people of South Kolkata for granted and it is time that we bring about change, including in Bhabanipur where my colleague Suvendu Adhikari is contesting.

How do you see the TMC’s government’s welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar and Rs 1,500 allowance to unemployed youth?

Welfare is a part of any modern state, whether in Europe, India or the USA. But welfare becomes the be-all and end-all in itself, without necessarily banking on a productive base of the economy, there is a big distortion.

While we are promising doubling the assistance – Rs 3,000 under Lakshmir Bhandar and Rs 3,000 for unemployed youth – we are committed to creating an economic base which is productive for the state. This is the way these schemes can be financed and sustained to ensure people are less dependent on them in a shorter period of time.

How is this election different from previous Assembly polls?

The biggest difference is that the Bengali middle-class has embraced us enthusiastically.

How many seats do you think the BJP will win this time as against the 77 it won in 2021?

It is hazardous to make predictions on seats and vote share. However, given my ground-level experience, I can say we will improve our position exponentially. Our growth will be such that forming an alternative government led by the BJP is a plausible possibility. On May 4, people who have written off the BJP may be surprised with the results.

But does an absolute majority still look distant?

It may look distant to you but once momentum sets in, it does not know where to stop. We have seen this in the past. This time, the momentum is very much in the BJP’s favour.

What is your take on Bengal’s finances?

When we take over from the TMC on May 4, we will unfortunately be confronted with empty coffers. The TMC has left the state’s finances in shambles, maybe even in a worse condition as compared to the Left regime.

The TMC has violated every rule and procedure. If CAG reports are taken up and placed under judicial scrutiny, many ministers may find it uncomfortable to explain themselves.

You have worked with former PM Atal Bihari Vajpyee and veterans like L K Advani. Now you are working with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah. What are the similarities or differences in working styles?

There are some major differences in their working styles. For instance, Vajpayee was one of the most formidable campaigners but was not very concerned with the party organisation. Hence, his campaign style did not necessarily reflect in BJP’s performance.

Advani, on the other hand, devoted himself to creating a machine. He started the process, which came to fruition when the BJP won the 2014 polls with Modi as the face.

Shah has made the BJP a truly pan-India party. The party’s growth in places where it had negligible presence – Kerala, Assam, Odisha and parts of Bengal – is almost entirely his doing.

Does the BJP’s recent assurance that a Bengali and Bhoomiputra (son of the soil) would head the government put you in contention for the CM’s post?

Almost everybody contesting the polls and the winners are Bhoomiputras. We are not importing people. Even those candidates with north Indian surnames have been domiciled in the state long enough to be considered Bengali.

Anyone of them could become ministers. A structured party like the BJP follows a procedure to choose its leaders and the same will be followed in Bengal.