5 min readMar 3, 2026 01:07 PM IST
First published on: Mar 3, 2026 at 01:06 PM IST
A routine revision in the Class 8 social science curriculum has unexpectedly sparked one of the most intense debates in India’s judiciary. The new NCERT textbook included a chapter titled “The Role of Judiciary in Our Society” that examined the functioning of the judiciary and its systemic challenges. It discussed issues such as case backlogs, shortages of judges, and allegations of corruption. The Supreme Court reacted strongly to this inclusion, calling it an attempt to undermine the credibility of the judiciary.
The chapter went beyond explaining court structures to highlight real challenges, including inefficiency and alleged corruption. The language suggested systemic flaws in the judiciary, which the apex court found objectionable. On February 26, a three-judge bench led by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant condemned the textbook, describing the section on judicial corruption as a “deep-rooted, well-orchestrated attempt to defame the judiciary.”
The bench added that the content was like a gunshot, leaving the judiciary bleeding, underscoring the danger of presenting such claims to young students. The Court ordered a ban on the textbook and directed the seizure of all physical and digital copies. Notices were issued to the NCERT director and the Secretary of School Education to explain why contempt proceedings should not follow.
The Supreme Court clarified that it was not against legitimate criticism of the judiciary but was concerned about misleading or defamatory content presented as fact to impressionable students. The government, represented by Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, offered an apology and assured that those responsible for the chapter would not engage in similar work. However, the bench noted that official communication seemed more defensive than genuinely remorseful.
The Supreme Court’s strong response, particularly the remarks of CJI Surya Kant, warrants careful examination rather than unqualified approval or outright dismissal. The Court’s concern for safeguarding its institutional integrity is understandable. However, the scale of the reaction, including the blanket ban on the textbook, seizure of copies, and initiation of contempt proceedings, raises serious questions about whether the remedy was proportionate to the grievance.
One point remains beyond dispute. Removing references to judicial corruption from educational material does not remove corruption from the judiciary itself. Documented instances over the years show that the problem cannot be erased by silence.
The 2025 episode involving Yashwant Varma, in which unexplained cash was reportedly discovered at his official residence, raised troubling concerns about accountability at higher levels. There have also been cases involving members of the lower judiciary accused of accepting bribes in bail matters. For instance, in late 2024, a district judge in Maharashtra was booked in an FIR for allegedly demanding Rs 5 lakh in exchange for granting bail. Such incidents underline that institutional challenges persist regardless of how they are treated in school textbooks. Shielding students from these realities weakens the very purpose of civic education and risks producing citizens less prepared to question authority or demand accountability.
Civic education should not function as a protective shield for institutions. Its role is to foster an informed understanding of both strengths and weaknesses within public bodies. Students must learn that no institution in a democracy is beyond scrutiny and that transparency and reform are essential for sustaining public trust. Erasing uncomfortable facts may offer temporary relief from criticism, but it does little to strengthen confidence in the long run. Trust is built through openness and corrective action, not through avoidance.
At the same time, the Chief Justice’s reaction must be viewed against the backdrop of ongoing tensions over judicial appointments. Since the Supreme Court struck down the National Judicial Appointments Commission in 2015, reaffirming the primacy of the collegium system, the appointments process has remained a point of friction between the judiciary and the executive. The collegium has faced criticism for opacity and delay, while there have been repeated calls for a greater executive role.
In this climate, the textbook controversy may have appeared to the Court as part of a broader pattern that could gradually erode public confidence in the judiciary and strengthen arguments for restructuring the appointments framework. That perception helps explain the force of the response. Yet context cannot by itself justify the course adopted. Concerns about framing, tone, or accuracy could have been addressed through revision and clarification rather than prohibition.
Protecting the judiciary’s integrity and educating students about institutional challenges are not contradictory aims. A mature democracy requires both respect for its institutions and the courage to examine them critically. Age-appropriate discussion of corruption, inefficiency, and case backlogs does not weaken democratic values. It reinforces them by encouraging accountability.
It is equally important that criticism of the judiciary be grounded in fact and presented responsibly. Responsible critique strengthens, rather than diminishes, institutional authority. The decision to ban the NCERT chapter may shield the Court from immediate discomfort, but it does not resolve the deeper issues the chapter sought to highlight. Democracy is sustained not by concealing difficult truths, but by confronting them with reasoned debate and a commitment to reform.
The writer is author is a Kashmir-based columnist currently working as a judicial clerk-cum-research assistant at J&K High Court
The decision to ban the NCERT chapter may shield the Court from immediate discomfort, but it does not resolve the deeper issues the chapter sought to highlight 
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