Opinion Shashi Tharoor writes: Civilisational pride should remind us that our greatest achievements were born of openness, not insularity
India’s civilisation has never been monolithic. It is a tapestry woven from countless threads — Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, tribal, secular, Western and Indic. To reduce this vast mosaic to a binary struggle between Hindus and Muslims is to betray the very essence of our civilisation.
Civilisational pride should not allow grievance to diminish greatness. India has long prided itself on being a civilisation rather than merely a nation-state. Our identity is not confined to the lines drawn on a map in 1947, but stretches back millennia, encompassing the wisdom of the Vedas, the compassion of the Buddha, the syncretism of medieval saints, the inclusive governance of Ashoka, Harsha and Akbar, and the pluralism of our modern republic. To invoke this civilisational heritage is not only legitimate — it is essential. But the manner in which it is invoked matters profoundly.
Pratap Bhanu Mehta has recently observed (IE, January 2) that the ruling establishment’s recasting of contemporary politics as an epic struggle between Hindus and Muslims represents both a moral and political failure. In this imagination, he argues, “politics becomes myth, victimhood becomes virtue, and the past substitutes for the future”. Civilisational self-assertion reduces complex social and political failures into a battle of imagined good and evil, “turning conflict into destiny.” This prompts me to ask: Why can’t we, instead, reclaim civilisational self-assertion as a force for inclusivity, acceptance, and the common good?
India’s civilisation has never been monolithic. It is a tapestry woven from countless threads — Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, tribal, secular, Western and Indic. To reduce this vast mosaic to a binary struggle between Hindus and Muslims is to betray the very essence of our civilisation.
Civilisational pride should remind us of our capacity to absorb difference, not to weaponise it. The genius of India has always been its ability to accommodate diversity: To allow multiple faiths to flourish, to let languages proliferate, to welcome outsiders and make them our own. This inclusivity is not weakness; it is strength. It is what enabled India to endure invasions, colonisation, and modernisation without losing its soul.
When politics is recast as myth, it ceases to be about solving problems. Roads, schools, hospitals, jobs, and justice — all are de-prioritised in favour of symbolic battles. Victimhood becomes a badge of honour, and the past is endlessly rehearsed as grievance rather than inspiration. This is a dangerous diversion. A nation cannot be governed by evoking historical wrongs. Civilisational self-assertion must not become an excuse to bypass the hard labour of governance. It must inspire us to build better institutions to face the challenges of tomorrow, not to divert the public by scapegoating minorities.
Civilisational self-assertion can be constructive if it is rooted in the right understanding of our civilisation. Let us assert the civilisation that gave the world the concept of vasudhaiva kutumbakam, the world is one family. Let us assert the civilisation that produced Akbar’s sulh-i-kul, the principle of universal peace. Let us assert the civilisation that nurtured Kabir and Nanak, who spoke of unity beyond religious divides. Such self-assertion does not deny difference; it embraces it. It turns inclusivity into democratic diversity.
The ruling party has a historic opportunity. It can choose to define civilisational pride as exclusionary, or it can choose to define it as inclusive. The former leads to division, resentment, and unrest; the latter to unity, progress, and greatness.
Imagine a ruling ethos that channels civilisational self-assertion into building institutions that reflect our pluralism. That articulates a vision that celebrates Hindu heritage while also honouring the contributions of Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Parsis, Jews and others. That celebrates history by invoking the past not to settle scores but to inspire the future. Such governance would not only strengthen India’s democracy, it would strengthen its own legitimacy. It would prove that civilisational pride can coexist with civic responsibility.
What does it mean to build a shared civic future? It means creating institutions and processes that accommodate differences of worship, of cultural expression, of political opinion. It means ensuring that every citizen, regardless of faith, feels equally valued. It means investing in education, healthcare, and infrastructure, so that civilisational pride is matched by material progress. It also means cultivating a political culture that prizes dialogue over demonisation. Civilisational self-assertion should encourage us to debate ideas, not identities. It should remind us that our greatest achievements —whether in science, art, or philosophy — were born of openness, not insularity. Inclusivity is not “appeasement”; it is a civilisational imperative. India’s strength lies in its ability to turn diversity into harmony.
Ultimately, civilisational pride must serve the common good. It must inspire us to build a society where every citizen can flourish. It must motivate us to tackle poverty, inequality, and injustice. It must drive us to strengthen democracy, protect freedoms, and uphold the rule of law. Civilisational self-assertion that neglects the common good is hollow. True pride lies not in mythic battles but in tangible achievements: Schools that educate, hospitals that heal, courts that deliver justice, and institutions that protect rights.
India’s civilisation is vast, complex, and inclusive. To reduce it to a binary struggle between Hindus and Muslims is to betray its essence. Civilisational self-assertion must be reclaimed as a force for inclusivity, acceptance, and the common good. Our governing parties have the responsibility to lead this reclamation.
Civilisational self-assertion should therefore emphasise pride in inclusion rather than exclusion. It should celebrate the fact that India is home to the world’s largest Hindu population, but also to vibrant communities of multiple other faiths. It should remind us that the past can be a source of inspiration, but it’s no substitute for the future.
Civilisational pride should not allow grievance to diminish greatness. India deserves a politics that reflects the true genius of its civilisation: The ability to accommodate difference without letting conflict cripple our destiny. Let us reclaim that civilisational genius. Let us build a shared civic future worthy of our national pride.
The writer is MP, Thiruvananthapuram, Lok Sabha ,and author of The Battle of Belonging: On Nationalism, Patriotism and What it Means to be Indian

