Opinion As Nepal’s new PM, Balendra Shah will have to restore the state’s credibility
Good governance, an end to corruption, and political stability have consistently emerged as the Nepali people’s principal aspirations in various surveys. Shah’s real challenge lies there
During Balendra Shah's more than three years as mayor of Kathmandu — until his resignation in December — even some of his symbolic moves earned him a reputation as a sharp, calculating risk-taker and a leader willing to act The Rastriya Swatantra Party swept the March 2026 elections in Nepal, and Balendra Shah — who defeated K P Sharma Oli — is all set to become prime minister. The election signalled a sweeping rejection of the parties that have ruled the country over the past two decades. Except for three-time prime minister and long-time Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also known as Prachanda, no national or regional party chiefs won their seats. Dahal secured victory from Rukum East, the epicentre of the Maoist insurgency that began in 1996 and ended in 2006, but he contested from a different formation — the Nepali Communist Party.
The RSP, with a nearly two-thirds majority of its own in the House — an unprecedented achievement — will have the strength to pursue constitutional amendments. Yet doubts persist about its ability to hold together for long. Shah’s charisma and RSP chief Rabi Lamichhane’s hold over the organisation together attracted voters, mostly the youth, as well as those loyal to traditional parties but angered and frustrated with their leaders. Good governance, an end to corruption, and political stability have consistently emerged as the Nepali people’s principal aspirations in various surveys. Shah’s real challenge lies there. Past cycles of high promise followed by poor delivery have discredited almost every top leader or prime minister in recent decades.
Shah, who is about to turn 36, does not have much experience of governance. But during his more than three years as mayor of Kathmandu — until his resignation in December — even some of his symbolic moves earned him a reputation as a sharp, calculating risk-taker and a leader willing to act. He was ruthless in keeping the city clean, removing encroachers and even confronting the prime minister of the day on corruption issues. As mayor, he took a hard line against both India and China. He banned the screening of Adipurush, a Hindi film in which Sita was shown as having been born in India. He also opposed the inclusion of Lumbini in the map of India in the mural in the new Parliament House.
But being an independent mayor of a city and the prime minister of a country are different things. India welcomed the RSP victory, and PM Narendra Modi personally called Shah and Lamichhane, separately reiterating India’s commitment to work together “for mutual prosperity, progress and well-being of our two countries”. The US sent its congratulations and expressed its willingness to work for “shared goals of prosperity and security”. China’s suggestion of a “strategic partnership” is no less important. The indications are clear: External interest in Nepal, both from its neighbourhood and from farther afield, is set to increase, and its effects will inevitably trickle down into domestic politics as well.
Despite its absolute majority, the RSP may have to tread a rough road as it assumes power. D P Aryal, a trusted deputy of Lamichhane, had to retract his statement after saying the party had no knowledge of the understanding that Shah would become prime minister. Others insist that it is Shah’s prerogative to decide the composition of the cabinet, especially to avoid the splits and the fall of governments that have characterised Nepal’s politics in the past two decades.
During and after the announcement of the poll results, Shah, Lamichhane and Swarnim Wagle — a likely finance minister — were seen visiting temples and posting photographs on social media. This has been widely interpreted as a response to the large number of voters who had urged them to restore Nepal’s “Hindu Kingdom” status. Finally, the Nepali Army, which had acted as a platform for negotiation when the Gen Z protests led to the fall of the Oli government, may emerge as an increasingly influential force in governance and politics. The impact on democracy of the army having an outsized role is yet to be seen but it has certainly proved itself to be a trustworthy national institution in times of crisis.
The writer is the Kathmandu-based contributing editor for The Indian Express
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